Government and presidency officials have been tight-lipped about the president’s condition and have not said exactly when he will be back. The opposition has demanded clarity on the president’s health, adding that his absence is having an adverse effect on the workings of government and that the official silence is fuelling speculation and uncertainty.

Should the head of state’s health be a private issue or is it a matter of public interest? Is his prolonged absence from Nigeria a cause for concern? As governor of Katsina state, Yar’Adua spent several months abroad for medical treatment without attracting much public attention, only to return, complete his term and win another one. Can he expect to do the same as leader of the nation?

What if the president leaves office early?

U.N. officials say this is no longer simply an environmental issue but something that has huge importance for the whole country. Already two of the top three foreign exchange earners — tourism and tea — are feeling the impact of falling water levels which have also forced the postponement of a major hydro-electric project. 

Prime Minister Raila Odinga describes the forest’s destruction as a national emergency. Both foreign and local officials say there is no gap between Odinga and President Mwai Kibaki on the issue.

Saving the forest will involve huge costs to resettle and compensate some of the thousands of people living illegally there and restore tree cover which produces vital supplies of water. Officials say they expect international donors to provide major financial help.

Until a few months ago, the destruction of the forest was a familiar story of land grabbing, illegal logging and the allocation of government land to try to win votes. It began in 1997 when the government of Daniel arap Moi gave large plots away in exchange for electoral support.

Then, this year, the United Nations flew Odinga and other officials over the forest to show them the extent of the destruction, shocking them into urgent action.

The government is pushing ahead despite the fact that many of the area’s MPs and voters belong to Odinga’s ODM party. Unlike the past, political considerations are being pushed to one side in the national interest. U.N. officials call this process unique for a country long blighted by the depradations of powerful and greedy politicians.

This momentum is all the more striking because Odinga and Kibaki were bitter enemies before and during a bloody political crisis in the first two months of this year when around 1,500 people died in tribally-based clashes following the president’s disputed victory in an election.

Does the Mau forest issue mark a turning point in Kenyan politics or is it a one-off. What do you think?

Senior State Department official David Welch told reporters he had met Gaddafi -- "a person of personality and experience" -- several times. 

"We don't refer to Colonel Gaddafi in those terms today," said Welch when asked about Reagan's derogatory reference. 

He anticipated Rice, America's most senior diplomat, was "quite capable" of meeting with Gaddafi and looking after U.S. interests. 

"She is anticipating this one with great interest," he said of the upcoming Tripoli encounter. 

No word on whether the meeting -- the first between Libya and a U.S. secretary of state since 1953 -- will take place in one of Gaddafi's tents.

At its best, development aid from rich countries to help the world's most needy can really touch the poor, giving them the means and the know-how to transform their lives and future in self-sustaining projects that profitably plug their labour and activities into the globalised world.

A project I visited in Senegal is helping Senegalese peasant farmers to become international exporters of melons.

But horror stories abound in the international aid community about wasteful proliferation, confusion and overlap of aid projects -- the so-called "Tower of Babel" syndrome in which aid projects sometimes go ahead without the full collaboration of host governments and may even compete with each other.

If badly conceived and applied, aid projects can squander hundreds of millions of aid dollars in costly "white elephants" that end up providing uncontrolled funds and expensive SUVs to a handful of corrupt officials, while leaving the intended recipients as poor as they were before. 

President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal, the African country which has received one of the highest levels of aid per capita on the continent since independence, has criticised some aid NGOs as being "greedy gobblers of aid resources, absorbing the best part of this through all kinds of schemes, in administration, travel and luxury hotel costs for so-called experts -- rather than spending on actions".  He recommends innovative aid initiatives that "help people to stand up".

Some might ask what Senegal really has to show for this aid influx over the years, when we see an exodus of many young Senegalese risking their lives every year in rickety, open boats to try to reach Europe to seek a better life.

Many economists believe the stress should very much be put on trade rather than aid.

What do you think a "good" aid project should consist of? Do you know any examples of failed aid projects and why do you think they failed? What changes should be made in the way the rich world delivers aid to the poor?

Relations between Libya and Italy had been especially difficult and this was a very specific dispute, but Italian colonialism did not last all that long in Africa - even if there were episodes of particular nastiness while it did.

What about the far more important colonial players in Africa: Britain, France and Portugal? Not only was their presence far longer lasting, but they were more heavily involved in the Atlantic Slave Trade, which sapped the strength of west and central Africa for centuries and forced millions of its people into death or slavery. Calls for reparations from some quarters have never died down.

The colonial powers later carved up the map of Africa for their own administrative convenience and with little regard for those living there. Independence movements were often suppressed with heavy force — including in Algeria, the former Portuguese colonies and Kenya.

Since independence, the former colonial powers have given billions of dollars in development aid and other assistance. They generally have far better relationships with former colonies than Italy had with Libya.

But is it time for other former colonial powers to apologise and pay up for misdeeds on the continent? Or should the past be left for the history books?

This, in theory, will then allow those old enough to register to vote in elections, which are due to take place on November 30. These are the elections meant to end a crisis that was sparked by a short war in 2002-2003 and left the country, the world’s top cocoa producer and home to one of the region’s most stable and flourishing economies, divided between a rebel-held north and a government-controlled south.

The two sides have struck numerous deals and, though there was little fighting after the first few months of the war, election deadlines have come and gone. The 2007 deal between President Laurent Gbagbo and rebel leader Guillaume Soro, who has since become prime minister, seems to be Ivory Coast’s best shot at peace yet.

But a glance at the newspapers on the day the new identification drive was launched revealed other concerns. Fraternite Matin, a respected daily, devoted its front page to a headline that read “It is not possible!” above a collection of reasons why the presidential election cannot be held on Nov. 30. Many other papers had columns analysing rumours and the subsequent denials that the army chief had been arrested.

Abidjan is no stranger to rumours but this is a less-than ideal run up to elections. The disarmament of rebels and militia has not taken place on the scale it is meant to have done. Over the last two months, dissident rebels have protested over issues such as money from demobilisation, at times fighting their former colleagues. Hardly any of the equipment needed to register voters has actually been deployed, just days before the electoral lists are meant to be published. Despite this, the official word is still that the polls should take place as planned.

Ivory Coast seems to face a choice between elections on time but in less than perfect conditions or yet another delay. What would the consequences be of putting off the polls, yet again? Given the importance of identity and nationality in Ivory Coast, should elections be held when there are still questions over who is eligible to vote and who is not? What about organising elections when there are still various groups who are still armed and could use them to challenge the results?

This week's reopening of Zimbabwe's parliament had been seen by many as a show of defiance by President Robert Mugabe against an opposition that has so far rejected terms of a power-sharing deal that appear more acceptable to the veteran leader and to at least some of his regional counterparts.

But it may not have gone quite to plan.

The election of the parliamentary speaker chosen by the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) came in spite of efforts by Mugabe's ZANU-PF to bring in the candidate of the breakaway MDC faction. Members of that faction appear to have sided with opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai rather than their own party leadership.

Then Mugabe faced unprecedented boos and jeers as he delivered his speech at the reopening of parliament, where ZANU-PF has lost its majority for the first time since independence from Britain in 1980. Mugabe nonetheless said he was optimistic that a power-sharing deal would be reached.

Is there a shift in the balance of power in Zimbabwe? What might it all mean for talks and for chances of an agreement that could help to revive the stricken country?

Nigerian officials say past deals with international investors have not always been in the best interests of the country and that Yar’Adua wants to ensure Nigeria is no longer “short-changed”. Virgin has said it is in talks to sell its stake in Virgin Nigeria.

Is Yar’Adua’s administration right to review deals struck by his predecessor, or does this suggest that contracts with government can be subject to change and make the investment climate unpredictable? Are such rows really about the national interest, or are they triggered by a clash of egos? Would Virgin’s departure from Nigeria have any impact on the country’s image as an investment destination?

But perhaps a bit of African improvisation would not be such a bad thing.

Nigeria went on to reach the final of the tournament, beating old rivals the Ivory Coast and then thrashing Belgium 4-1 before coming unstuck against Argentina. Their semi-final performance against Belgium mixed moments of sublime skill with reckless defending and woeful, shoddy finishing. But the scoreline speaks for itself.

In the last few years, African players have emigrated en masse to Europe and their national teams have hired European coaches. A small group of these trainers now seem to have the main national sides sewn up, moving around in an endless game of musical coaches.

Four of the five African representatives at the last World Cup were coached by Europeans.

The European influence has certainly instilled discipline and professionalism. But the exuberance which African teams were expected to bring when Cameroon burst on to the scene in 1990 seems to have gone missing while results have been disappointing, with quarter-final places for Cameroon and Ivory Coast the best the continent could manage.

Under Siasia, Nigeria have returned to a more carefree and entertaining style, even if there have been some slapstick moments thrown in.

"Nigerian coaches have done well, like the one we've got now," said striker Victor Anichebe. "He got us to the (World under-20) final against Argentina in 2005, and he's got to the final again."

"The senior side have a Nigerian coach and in the summer we won four games out of four. Hopefully, they will get more of a chance."

Perhaps Nigeria, and other African teams, should give home-grown coaches more of a look-in.

PHOTO: Peter Odemwingie of Nigeria (L) shoots past Pablo Zabaleta of Argentina during the men's gold medal soccer match at the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, August 23, 2008. REUTERS/Claro Cortes

Kenya's hope for an Olympic marathon medal were dealt a blow when Robert Cheruiyot pulled out due to injury and three-times London marathon winner Martin Lel's training was affected by flu. But Sammy Wanjiru saved the day and brought the marathon gold medal, proof that distance running is Africa's forte.

Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, collected four gold, one silver and 2 bronze medals, showing that poverty does not have to stand in the way of great sportsmanship. Ethiopia's Tirunesh Dibaba and Kenenisa Bekele both cruised to victory for the 10,000 and 5,000 metres, the first time the double has been achieved since the 1980 Games.

Kenya's assistant athletics coach put it down to dealing with hardships from a young age and altitude, which helps the athletes deal with hot conditions.

"Our athletes have to walk long distances from a very young age to go to school unlike those in developed countries, so they just get used to it quite early," Peter Mathu told Reuters. "We are very good at long distance because of the hardships we face. Training at high altitudes has also helped."

Kenya and Ethiopia's Olympic success stems from focusing on what they do best and a strong culture of athletics. While other countries see sports as a diversion Mathu said they start identifying and nurturing talent from Primary school.

Kenya and Ethiopia's victory contrasts the underperformance of bigger teams such as Nigeria and South Africa, the latter having some of the best developed facilities on the continent.

Nigeria's team official Dony Nezianya was candid in admitting that Africa could learn from Kenya and Ethiopia. "Most of it is just better planning. Kenyans and Ethiopians work very hard at developing their talent and raising the level of their performance," he said.

Nigeria got three bronze medals in women's long jump and 4x100 metres relay and heavyweight taekwondo and a silver from soccer.

"We had expected to perform better so this calls for sober reflection on our part," he said.

Perhaps embarrassed by getting only one silver medal in long jump after sending the biggest team ever to the Olympics, South Africans did not want to comment.

But sports development looked set to remain a challenge for the continent where funds are directed to more pressing issues as millions live in abject poverty. Athletes that are now competing for other countries on lucrative deals say the migration could continue if earning a living as remains difficult.

PHOTO: Tirunesh Dibaba of Ethiopia leads the pack on her way to winning the women's 5000m final at the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games August 22, 2008. REUTERS/Dylan Martinez