This week, Ghana completed its smooth transfer of power from the ruling party to the opposition after an election that won praise around the continent.

President John Atta Mills certainly faces plenty of challenges, but the change of guard - the second such democratic victory of the opposition over a ruling party in Ghana - was a big achievement in itself on a continent where such a possibility sometimes seems more theoretical than real.

“Ghana has once again shown that we are very open minded and capable of leading Africa. I hope other African countries will follow suit,” commented Kofi Preko on the last Ghana post on this blog.

Will they? The new military rulers of both Guinea and Mauritania are now promising elections this year after earlier doubts. Plenty of other countries have elections too. What are your predictions? What is behind Ghana’s success?

(Picture: Ghanaians celebrate during presidential inauguration ceremony of opposition leader Mills at the Independence Square in Accra. Reuters/Luc Gnago)

Nigerian President Umaru Yar’Adua left for Saudi Arabia more than two weeks ago for the Islamic obligation of the lesser Hajj, a pilgrimage to Mecca. Yar’Adua, who is known to have a chronic kidney problem, has sought medical attention in Jeddah and has still not returned, raising fears about the state of his health. A medical source in Saudi Arabia told Reuters he had undergone an operation.

Government and presidency officials have been tight-lipped about the president’s condition and have not said exactly when he will be back. The opposition has demanded clarity on the president’s health, adding that his absence is having an adverse effect on the workings of government and that the official silence is fuelling speculation and uncertainty.

Should the head of state’s health be a private issue or is it a matter of public interest? Is his prolonged absence from Nigeria a cause for concern? As governor of Katsina state, Yar’Adua spent several months abroad for medical treatment without attracting much public attention, only to return, complete his term and win another one. Can he expect to do the same as leader of the nation?

What if the president leaves office early?

The authorities in Ivory Coast have now embarked on what is supposed to be the last step of issuing identity papers to its citizens. Those who lost their papers during the war or never had any in the first place and missed out on previous hearings across the country are getting another chance .

This, in theory, will then allow those old enough to register to vote in elections, which are due to take place on November 30. These are the elections meant to end a crisis that was sparked by a short war in 2002-2003 and left the country, the world’s top cocoa producer and home to one of the region’s most stable and flourishing economies, divided between a rebel-held north and a government-controlled south.

The two sides have struck numerous deals and, though there was little fighting after the first few months of the war, election deadlines have come and gone. The 2007 deal between President Laurent Gbagbo and rebel leader Guillaume Soro, who has since become prime minister, seems to be Ivory Coast’s best shot at peace yet.

But a glance at the newspapers on the day the new identification drive was launched revealed other concerns. Fraternite Matin, a respected daily, devoted its front page to a headline that read “It is not possible!” above a collection of reasons why the presidential election cannot be held on Nov. 30. Many other papers had columns analysing rumours and the subsequent denials that the army chief had been arrested.

Abidjan is no stranger to rumours but this is a less-than ideal run up to elections. The disarmament of rebels and militia has not taken place on the scale it is meant to have done. Over the last two months, dissident rebels have protested over issues such as money from demobilisation, at times fighting their former colleagues. Hardly any of the equipment needed to register voters has actually been deployed, just days before the electoral lists are meant to be published. Despite this, the official word is still that the polls should take place as planned.

Ivory Coast seems to face a choice between elections on time but in less than perfect conditions or yet another delay. What would the consequences be of putting off the polls, yet again? Given the importance of identity and nationality in Ivory Coast, should elections be held when there are still questions over who is eligible to vote and who is not? What about organising elections when there are still various groups who are still armed and could use them to challenge the results?