In a notable 2001 opinion called In the Matter of Synthroid Marketing Litigation, Judge Frank Easterbrook of the 7th Circuit Court of Appeals set out guidelines for trial judges awarding fees to plaintiffs lawyers in class action megacases, defined as those in which the class recovery exceeds $75 million. Easterbrook said there should be no automatic cap on fees, even in these very big cases. Instead, he pointed to the 7th Circuit’s oft-stated preference for fee awards that reflect both the risk borne by class counsel and “the normal rate of compensation in the market at the time.” The 7th Circuit has made it clear that the best way to assure a market rate is for class action lawyers and their clients to reach a fee agreement before the litigation begins, but the 2001 Synthroid opinion didn’t specify exactly how trial judges should approximate an arm’s-length negotiation if there’s no preset deal on fees. In a 2003 follow-up opinion, Easterbrook and his fellow panel members actually set class counsel fees themselves, finding that “a decent estimate of the fee that would have been established in ex ante arms’-length negotiations” was a sliding percentage of recovery that declined as the size of the settlement increased.
In the first full year of operation for the Securities and Exchange Commission’s Dodd-Frank whistle-blower program, the agency received 324 tips from whistle-blowers working outside of the United States – almost 11 percent of all the whistle-blower reports received by the SEC. If those tips eventually result in sanctions of more than $1 million, the SEC whistle-blowers will be in line for bounties. But if they’re fired by their companies for disclosing corporate wrongdoing, they may not be able to sue under Dodd-Frank because the law’s anti-retaliation protection for whistle-blowers does not specify that it extends overseas. And as you know, the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 ruling in Morrison v. National Australia Bank holds that civil laws should be presumed not to apply overseas unless they say otherwise.
There are a lot of plaintiffs lawyers out there hoping to reap big rewards from the Securities and Exchange Commission’s 2-year-old whistle-blower program. When the SEC, acting at the direction of Congress in the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, implemented procedures last August to pay tipsters a bounty for information leading to sanctions of more than $1 million, law firms started running advertisements targeting corporate insiders with evidence of securities violations at their companies. If you run a Google search using the phrases “whistle-blower” and “SEC,” you’ll see exactly what I mean.
I hold few principles more dearly than the inherent value of intellectual property. I’d be crazy to think otherwise, considering that I’m a content creator. No one who starts from scratch, whether they’re writing a news story or developing a killer smartphone feature, abides copycats. So on one level my sympathies lie with the geniuses at Apple who developed the iPhone and iPad, only to see less innovative rivals steal ideas and market share.
The long-anticipated fight over the constitutionality of using eminent domain to seize mortgages from mortgage-backed securities trusts is upon us. On Wednesday night, three MBS trustees filed complaints in federal district court in San Francisco, seeking declaratory judgments that Richmond, California, may not deploy its power of eminent domain to take over about 624 mortgages that belong to MBS noteholders. The suits, one brought on behalf of MBS trustees Wells Fargo and Deutsche Bank and the other on behalf of Bank of New York Mellon, raise overlapping though not identical arguments for why Richmond’s eminent domain plan violates the Takings, Contract, Equal Protection and Commerce Clauses of the U.S. Constitution as well as various state constitutional protections. The complaints introduce some new wrinkles in the eminent domain debate, such as an argument by BNY Mellon’s lawyers at Mayer Brown that the seizure of securitized mortgages will endanger the tax status of the MBS trusts that contain the loans, subjecting noteholders to a 35 percent tax on trust income. The trustees have also quantified the harm they face: The takeover of just the 624 loans Richmond has already proposed buying from MBS trusts for 80 percent of the current value of each house that’s collateral on the loan will cost noteholders as much as $200 million, according to Wells Fargo and Deutsche Bank lawyers at Ropes & Gray.
In May, when Chancellor Leo Strine of Delaware Chancery Court made new law on going-private deals – holding in In re MFW Shareholders Litigation that boards of companies with controlling shareholders are entitled to deference under the business judgment rule if they appoint an independent special committee to evaluate the buy-back offer and also obtain approval of the deal from a majority of the other shareholders – the judge said that one of the benefits of decision might be to reduce meritless breach-of-duty claims. Boards that provide double-barreled protection for minority shareholders, Strine said, should not have to endure full-blown trials to review those deals under the exacting “entire fairness” standard.
Remember the great statute of limitations schism that occurred in New York State Supreme Court in May? On the very same day, two state court judges issued drastically different decisions on when the statute begins to run in cases asserting that sponsors of mortgage-backed securities breached representations and warranties on the underlying loans. Justice Shirley Kornreich sided with investors in a put-back case against DB Structured Products, holding that the clock starts ticking when an MBS securitizer refuses a demand to repurchase defective loans in the mortgage pools. Justice Peter Sherwood, on the other hand, explicitly rejected that interpretation of the statute of limitations, ruling instead in a put-back case against Nomura that the statute is triggered when the MBS offering closes.
Over the weekend, the Obama administration made an extraordinary decision: The U.S. Trade Representative overturned a U.S. International Trade Commission injunction barring the import of Apple iPhones found to infringe Samsung standard-essential technology. It’s been almost 30 years since the ITC commissioners were previously overruled by the White House, but, as I told you last month, Apple argued that the ITC’s injunction was contrary to the emerging consensus among federal courts and executive-branch agencies that injunctions should not, except in rare instances, be based on standard-essential patents.
Regardless of what you think of the business of litigation funding, it’s here to stay. There are now hundreds of millions, if not billions, of dollars of capital invested in commercial litigation and arbitration in the United States, Britain and Australia, and some of the biggest litigation funding firms in the United States have begun to show a good enough return for their investors to justify the risk of taking sides in inherently lengthy and uncertain cases. Business groups that oppose investment in litigation tried mightily, but they simply haven’t managed to stem the industry’s steady spread, either through legislation or regulation.
On Tuesday, the small California city of Richmond announced that it has sent notices to 624 homeowners whose houses are worth less than they owe on their mortgages. Richmond said it intended to buy their mortgages for 80 percent of the fair value of their houses and to help them refinance with new, more affordable mortgages. In the event homeowners don’t want to participate in the program, Richmond said it would use its power of eminent domain to seize the mortgage loans.