The long-anticipated fight over the constitutionality of using eminent domain to seize mortgages from mortgage-backed securities trusts is upon us. On Wednesday night, three MBS trustees filed complaints in federal district court in San Francisco, seeking declaratory judgments that Richmond, California, may not deploy its power of eminent domain to take over about 624 mortgages that belong to MBS noteholders. The suits, one brought on behalf of MBS trustees Wells Fargo and Deutsche Bank and the other on behalf of Bank of New York Mellon, raise overlapping though not identical arguments for why Richmond’s eminent domain plan violates the Takings, Contract, Equal Protection and Commerce Clauses of the U.S. Constitution as well as various state constitutional protections. The complaints introduce some new wrinkles in the eminent domain debate, such as an argument by BNY Mellon’s lawyers at Mayer Brown that the seizure of securitized mortgages will endanger the tax status of the MBS trusts that contain the loans, subjecting noteholders to a 35 percent tax on trust income. The trustees have also quantified the harm they face: The takeover of just the 624 loans Richmond has already proposed buying from MBS trusts for 80 percent of the current value of each house that’s collateral on the loan will cost noteholders as much as $200 million, according to Wells Fargo and Deutsche Bank lawyers at Ropes & Gray.
In May, when Chancellor Leo Strine of Delaware Chancery Court made new law on going-private deals – holding in In re MFW Shareholders Litigation that boards of companies with controlling shareholders are entitled to deference under the business judgment rule if they appoint an independent special committee to evaluate the buy-back offer and also obtain approval of the deal from a majority of the other shareholders – the judge said that one of the benefits of decision might be to reduce meritless breach-of-duty claims. Boards that provide double-barreled protection for minority shareholders, Strine said, should not have to endure full-blown trials to review those deals under the exacting “entire fairness” standard.
Remember the great statute of limitations schism that occurred in New York State Supreme Court in May? On the very same day, two state court judges issued drastically different decisions on when the statute begins to run in cases asserting that sponsors of mortgage-backed securities breached representations and warranties on the underlying loans. Justice Shirley Kornreich sided with investors in a put-back case against DB Structured Products, holding that the clock starts ticking when an MBS securitizer refuses a demand to repurchase defective loans in the mortgage pools. Justice Peter Sherwood, on the other hand, explicitly rejected that interpretation of the statute of limitations, ruling instead in a put-back case against Nomura that the statute is triggered when the MBS offering closes.
Over the weekend, the Obama administration made an extraordinary decision: The U.S. Trade Representative overturned a U.S. International Trade Commission injunction barring the import of Apple iPhones found to infringe Samsung standard-essential technology. It’s been almost 30 years since the ITC commissioners were previously overruled by the White House, but, as I told you last month, Apple argued that the ITC’s injunction was contrary to the emerging consensus among federal courts and executive-branch agencies that injunctions should not, except in rare instances, be based on standard-essential patents.
Regardless of what you think of the business of litigation funding, it’s here to stay. There are now hundreds of millions, if not billions, of dollars of capital invested in commercial litigation and arbitration in the United States, Britain and Australia, and some of the biggest litigation funding firms in the United States have begun to show a good enough return for their investors to justify the risk of taking sides in inherently lengthy and uncertain cases. Business groups that oppose investment in litigation tried mightily, but they simply haven’t managed to stem the industry’s steady spread, either through legislation or regulation.
On Tuesday, the small California city of Richmond announced that it has sent notices to 624 homeowners whose houses are worth less than they owe on their mortgages. Richmond said it intended to buy their mortgages for 80 percent of the fair value of their houses and to help them refinance with new, more affordable mortgages. In the event homeowners don’t want to participate in the program, Richmond said it would use its power of eminent domain to seize the mortgage loans.
The California Public Employees’ Retirement System, the largest public pension fund in the United States, rarely takes a stand as an amicus in trial court. But in an amicus brief filed earlier this month, Calpers warned that the future of private investment in California is at stake in a dispute over a few million dollars in unpaid bonuses to former employees of the now-defunct HRJ Capital. Unless a state-court judge overturns a colleague’s ruling that limited-partner investment funds are on the hook for liabilities of the general partner and fund manager, Calpers said, California risks losing its stature as an incubator of start-up business.
Jesse Strauss of Strauss Law had two goals when he filed a fraud suit on behalf of 12 graduates of Thomas M. Cooley Law School. The first was to win compensation for the Cooley grads, who had paid tens of thousands of dollars of tuition in the misguided expectation that a Cooley law degree would lead to a full-time legal career. The second, he told me, was to dispel similar misguided expectations by anyone else considering enrollment at Cooley. A ruling Tuesday by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals will probably spell the end of the hope that Cooley graduates can get any of their money back from the school, but it should also expose the law school as a highly questionable investment for prospective lawyers.
The doctrine of cy pres – from the French for ‘cy pres comme possible,’ or ‘as near as possible’ – may have originated in trust law, but it has had its full flowering in class actions. Both defendants and plaintiffs lawyers have good reasons to resolve cases involving potentially large numbers of claimants with minuscule damages by directing money to charity instead of tracking down class members. Cy pres settlements wipe cases off the docket, which is good for defendants. And they generate fee awards, which is good for the class action bar. Class actions are, of course, overseen by federal judges, and the practice of naming a particular judge’s favorite charity as the recipient of cy pres funds in order to boost the odds of court approval has fallen into disrepute. Nevertheless, it’s the rare cy pres settlement that is rejected. Judges may ask for money to go to a different charity or may restrict attorneys’ fees, but courts usually conclude that there’s a benefit to class members in supporting charity rather than risking a trial of their claims.
In 2012, five African-American Detroit homeowners and a Michigan legal services group asserted a notably creative legal theory in a class action against Morgan Stanley. Their lawyers at Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein and the American Civil Liberties Union acknowledged that Morgan Stanley didn’t write the supposedly predatory mortgages that victimized African-American borrowers in Detroit. Those housing-bubble mortgages were originated by New Century, a notorious subprime lender that went under in 2007. But the suit argued that New Century was writing loans to feed Morgan Stanley’s securitization machine. Because Morgan Stanley wanted to bundle certain types of subprime loans into its mortgage-backed securities, the theory went, its policies guided New Century’s predatory practices. So according to the homeowners’ suit, Morgan Stanley was actually responsible for the disparate impact of New Century’s discriminatory lending.