The hedge fund NML Capital is going to have to execute some fancy footwork to maintain its argument that Argentina is plotting to evade a ruling by the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that prohibits the foreign sovereign from making payments to holders of its restructured debt before paying off hedge funds that refused to exchange defaulted bonds.
As of April, the Federal Housing Finance Agency has recovered about $15 billion from 15 big banks that supposedly misrepresented the quality of the mortgage-backed securities they peddled to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. FHFA is expecting more to come: The conservator still has cases under way against Goldman Sachs, HSBC, Nomura and Royal Bank of Scotland. The National Credit Union Administration, meanwhile, has netted more than $330 million in settlements with banks that duped since-failed credit unions into buying deficient MBS. NCUA is also still litigating against several other defendants, some of which it sued only last September. When you add in MBS suits by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation on behalf of failed banks, there are about four dozen ongoing cases, involving some $200 billion in rotten mortgage-backed securities, brought by congressionally created stewards.
Last January, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge George Hodges of Charlotte, N.C., issued a doozy of a ruling in the Chapter 11 of the gasket maker Garlock Sealing Technologies. Lawyers for asbestos claimants wanted Garlock to set aside more than $1 billion in a trust for thousands of current and future victims of asbestos exposure. Garlock, which maintains that anyone exposed to its long-ago products was also exposed to more potent products manufactured by other companies, argued that its liability was no more than $125 million. Plaintiffs lawyers based their estimate on Garlock’s settlement history; Garlock contended that it was manipulated into overpaying in settlements with plaintiffs lawyers who withheld evidence that their clients were exposed to other manufacturers’ products.
There’s a heartbreaking moment deep in the internal investigation report GM released Thursday, detailing the company’s botched response to a sometimes fatal defect in Cobalt ignition switches. A young lawyer named Nabeel Peracha, who had joined GM in April 2012, was at a meeting just a few months later with other GM lawyers. Their topic was the settlement of a West Virginia product liability case stemming from a crash in 2009 of a Chevrolet Cobalt that skidded on black ice, ran off the road and hit two trees. The front-seat passenger sustained head injuries when the Cobalt’s airbag failed to deploy.
The Justice Department really, really, really does not want to turn over documents disclosing the government’s projection of profits at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, nor its policy plans for the mortgage giants. In a filing this week in the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, the head of Fannie and Freddie’s conservator, Melvin Watt of the Federal Housing Finance Agency, warned that if FHFA has to produce that material to preferred shareholders suing for a share of Fannie and Freddie’s profits, the entire housing market — nay, the entire U.S. economy! — will be destabilized. That’s an awfully dire prediction for what amounts to a discovery dispute.
Remember the hullabaloo in the last couple of years over Delaware’s plan to permit corporations to resolve their disputes in secret arbitration before Chancery Court judges? It was quite an idea, giving businesses the opportunity to present their arguments to the most experienced corporate jurists in the land without the inconvenience of public exposure. Unfortunately for its proponents, the secret arbitration regime didn’t take the U.S. Constitution into quite enough account. The plan was shot down by the 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which found that under the “logic and experience” test for public access, the Delaware scheme ran afoul of the First Amendment. In March, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to review the 3rd Circuit decision, which meant that corporations no longer have the right to arbitrate in secret in Chancery Court.
Poor besieged BP. As you know if you’ve seen the full-page newspaper ads BP has been running for the last year, or watched a 60 Minutes report earlier this month, BP — the company whose well spewed millions of gallons of oil into the Gulf of Mexico in the 2010 disaster that killed 11 workers on the Deepwater Horizon rig — considers itself a victim, too. As BP tells it, the company has been martyred over and over again: by trickster trial lawyers who forced it into an open-ended class action settlement; by the administrator of the settlement, Patrick Juneau, who misinterpreted the terms of the deal in a way that permitted claims by people who weren’t even harmed by the oil spill; by U.S. District Judge Carl Barbier of New Orleans, who threw in with the plaintiffs lawyers and approved Juneau’s interpretation; and, most recently, by the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which just refused BP’s last plea for mercy.
In a matter of weeks, the securities class action industry — I’m talking here about both plaintiffs and defense lawyers — will find out whether the U.S. Supreme Court has ended business as they know it. As you know, the justices will decide by the end of this term, in Halliburton v. Erica P. John Fund, if investors may continue to take advantage of the fraud-on-the-market doctrine the Supreme Court established in the 1988 decision Basic v. Levinson, which codified shareholders’ right to sue as a class. At oral arguments in March, the justices seemed to be reluctant to conduct radical surgery on the existing regime for class actions brought under the fraud provisions of the Exchange Act of 1934, but that’s no guarantee of the outcome.