Opinion

Alison Frankel

Why the Arab Bank terror-finance trial matters

Alison Frankel
Sep 19, 2014 18:47 UTC

Last week, on the evening of Sept. 11, a lawyer named Mark Werbner stood outside his hotel in Brooklyn and looked across the East River at the blue lights commemorating the collapse of the World Trade Center in 2001. Werbner, who is from Dallas, was in New York because he represents American victims of Hamas bombings and shootings during the second Palestinian Intifada. Since early August, he and his co-counsel have been trying the victims’ claims against Jordan’s Arab Bank, which they accuse of financing the Hamas terror operations. As he looked at the blue lights, Werbner told jurors Thursday during closing arguments in the Arab Bank trial, he stepped back and asked himself whether the 10 years of work he’d put into the case had accomplished anything.

“What am I doing here? What difference will it make?” he told jurors. “You know what’s going on in the world since then. It’s not any better. You know what we’re facing.”

I’ve asked myself the same question, after watching portions of the Arab Bank trial over the past six weeks. For all of the dogged investigation, numbing research and considerable expense that the victims’ lawyers have devoted to their case against Arab Bank, militants – including those from Hamas – are still finding ways to finance operations targeting civilians. Even as lawyers in this case argued in whispered sidebars in an air-conditioned courtroom in Brooklyn over the admission of pieces of evidence from an uprising that ended a decade ago, the Islamic State was putting out videos of its merciless beheadings of American journalists and a British aid worker. The 11 jurors who’ve endured long weeks of a multilingual, document-intensive trial must also have wondered: Can private litigation against a bank prevent terrorism?

The four lawyers who spoke Thursday for the plaintiffs in the Arab Bank case assured them that it can – that the message they send with their verdict will force international banks to do more than check wire transfers against terrorism blacklists. If jurors find Arab Bank liable for processing about $73 million that allegedly propped up Hamas operations in the Second Intifada, the lawyers said, banks around the world will be on notice that they’re responsible for actively policing against financing terror.

“We all have a role to play, to prevent terrorism, every one of us,” said Michael Elsner of Motley Rice. “We are interlinked, interdependent. We need to be together to stop this. It just can’t be that we can only act when a government says, ‘You have to act now.’ It can’t be that we only do it when the computer gives us an alert.”

MBS investors bring in Paul Clement to appeal N.Y. timeliness opinion

Alison Frankel
Jan 23, 2014 20:34 UTC

There are probably fewer than 100 lawyers in America who argue regularly before the U.S. Supreme Court and the highest state courts of appeal. And of those, a scant handful argue against corporate interests. That is particularly true when banks are involved: Lawyers who practice at big firms that regularly represent (or hope to represent) financial institutions avoid cases that endanger those relationships, even when one bank is suing another. But the renowned former U.S. Solicitor General Paul Clement left behind those concerns in 2011 when he left King & Spalding and joined Bancroft, a tiny appellate startup. Last year, Clement took up the Supreme Court case of small merchants suing American Express for antitrust violations. (He lost.) Now he’s turned up to oppose banks in one of the biggest-dollar appeals in the courts. On Tuesday, as first reported by the New York Commercial Litigation Insider, Clement appeared as counsel of record in HSBC’s motion, as a mortgage-backed securities trustee, for the New York Appellate Division, First Department to reconsider its Dec. 19 ruling on the timeliness of MBS breach-of-contract claims or else let the case proceed to the state’s highest court.

The appellate opinion in Ace Securities v. DB Structured Products, as you probably recall, shut the door on N.Y. state-court mortgage-repurchase suits filed more than six years after the MBS sponsor closed on its agreement to acquire the underlying loans for securitization. That ruling, as Clement and HSBC co-counsel Kasowitz Benson Torres & Friedman explained in the reconsideration brief filed Tuesday, has the potential to wipe out hundreds of cases already brought by MBS trustees and certificate holders, implicating “hundreds of billions of dollars in losses,” according to the brief. Clement and Kasowitz argue that the Appellate Division’s skimpy three-page opinion on the timeliness of put-back suits “fails to grapple with…conflicting precedents in a meaningful way,” so HSBC should either have a chance to reargue before the intermediate appeals court or to take its case to New York’s Court of Appeals. (Quinn Emanuel Urquhart & Sullivan‘s name isn’t on the new filing, but I’ve been told the firm is involved in the appeal on behalf of the certificate holder that originally directed HSBC to sue over supposedly deficient underlying loans in the Deutsche Bank MBS offering.)

The brief also points out that courts around the country have reached conflicting conclusions about when, under New York law, the six-year statute of limitations begins to run on MBS mortgage repurchase claims. Even federal judges in Manhattan, ruling in the wake of the Appellate Division’s opinion last month, have split on the question (as I’ve reported). That muddle must be resolved, according to the new brief. “Analogous lawsuits ostensibly governed by the same New York laws now will be permitted to proceed in some courts but not others,” it says. “What is more, DB and other RMBS sponsors will be able to evade all liability for their actions under this court’s decision, even though other RMBS investors have already collected massive settlements in cases that include failure-to-repurchase claims nearly identical to those raised here. That untenable situation readily warrants the reconsideration of this court or, in the alternative, the immediate attention of the Court of Appeals.”

N.Y. state appeals ruling opens courthouse door to foreign victims

Alison Frankel
Sep 18, 2013 20:06 UTC

In the last few months, the victims of supposed overseas human rights atrocities have begun to feel the impact of the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling last April in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum. As you know, the Supreme Court held that Alien Tort Statute cases cannot proceed in U.S. courts unless they have a significant connection to the United States. As a result, ATS claims by foreign citizens accusing international corporations of abetting torture and murder on foreign soil have since been dismissed against Daimler, Arab Bank, Rio Tinto and KBR. Some ATS cases have survived post-Kiobel scrutiny, as my friend Michael Goldhaber reported for The American Lawyer in August, and alleged victims can still assert claims under Other U.S. laws that specifically apply to conduct abroad. But without a doubt, Kiobel has extinguished the jurisdiction of U.S. courts over a wide swath of human rights litigation.

New York state courts, on the other hand, are ready and willing to hear the cases. Or, at least, that’s the implication of a comprehensive decision Tuesday by the state Appellate Division, First Department, that permits 50 Israeli citizens to proceed with claims that Bank of China is liable under Israeli law for facilitating bombings and rocket attacks in Israel by Hamas and Palestine Islamic Jihad. The state appeals court expressly broke with the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in holding that Israeli law should apply to the alleged victims’ claims because that’s where they were injured, rejecting the 2nd Circuit’s 2012 decision in a parallel terror-finance case that the laws of the defendant’s home jurisdiction should apply because those courts have the greatest interest in regulating the defendant’s conduct.

According to Robert Tolchin of The Berkman Law Office, who represents the plaintiffs in both the 2nd Circuit and New York state-court cases, the Appellate Division’s ruling opens the door to claims in New York courts by foreigners asserting the laws of their own countries against international defendants. “The Supreme Court in Kiobel knocked out the Alien Tort Statute, but here comes New York negligence law,” he said.

Morgan Stanley could be to blame for Detroit’s blight: N.Y. judge

Alison Frankel
Jul 26, 2013 19:08 UTC

In 2012, five African-American Detroit homeowners and a Michigan legal services group asserted a notably creative legal theory in a class action against Morgan Stanley. Their lawyers at Lieff Cabraser Heimann & Bernstein and the American Civil Liberties Union acknowledged that Morgan Stanley didn’t write the supposedly predatory mortgages that victimized African-American borrowers in Detroit. Those housing-bubble mortgages were originated by New Century, a notorious subprime lender that went under in 2007. But the suit argued that New Century was writing loans to feed Morgan Stanley’s securitization machine. Because Morgan Stanley wanted to bundle certain types of subprime loans into its mortgage-backed securities, the theory went, its policies guided New Century’s predatory practices. So according to the homeowners’ suit, Morgan Stanley was actually responsible for the disparate impact of New Century’s discriminatory lending.

Morgan Stanley seemed downright incredulous at the audacity of the suit. Its lawyers at Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr moved to dismiss the class action, stacking up argument after argument about flaws in the homeowners’ legal theory. They’re pretty good arguments, too. The overarching theme of the bank’s defense is that New Century, not Morgan Stanley, is responsible for the loans it wrote. Morgan Stanley didn’t even buy the mortgages of four of the five homeowners who are name plaintiffs in the suit, the motion says, so how can its securitization policies be to blame?

The bank goes on to assert all sorts of technical deficiencies in the plaintiffs’ claims. The homeowners don’t have standing, the Morgan Stanley brief says, because they can’t show they would have qualified for loans on better terms absent discrimination. The plaintiffs waited too long to assert claims, it said, because the statute of limitations under the Fair Housing Act is two years (and under the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, three years), yet the most recent mortgage in the case dates back to 2006. Anti-housing discrimination laws, the bank said, apply to mortgage lenders but not securitizers. And even putting aside all of those arguments, the brief said, the plaintiffs cannot show that Morgan Stanley policies produced a disparate impact on African-Americans in Detroit. Morgan Stanley’s securitization policies were nationwide, not targeted to any racial group in any geographic area, the bank contends, so plaintiffs lawyers improperly cherry-picked Detroit. They also erred in analyzing all New Century lending in Detroit because not all of New Century’s subprime loans were purchased by Morgan Stanley, according to the brief. And finally, any disparate impact from New Century lending, the bank said, is the result of New Century practices that cannot be tied to a specific Morgan Stanley policy.

The next great benchmark manipulation case?

Alison Frankel
Jul 16, 2013 19:27 UTC

Last spring, when U.S. District Judge Naomi Reice Buchwald of Manhattan decimated the consolidated private litigation over banks’ manipulation of the London Interbank Offered Rate, the only claims that remained upright in the rubble of her ruling were those brought under the Commodity Exchange Act, which makes tampering with the price of exchange-traded commodities or futures illegal. Buchwald’s opinion cited a plethora of Manhattan federal court decisions that permitted victims of futures price manipulation to move forward with their suits, including three consolidated class actions involving rigged prices for oil futures. I suspect we’re going to be hearing a lot more about those cases over the next several months. Even as the class action bar tries to persuade the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals to reinstate the Libor antitrust claims that Buchwald dismissed, plaintiffs lawyers are gearing up for the next big litigation: claims that BP, Royal Dutch Shell, Statoil and other unidentified conspirators violated commodity and antitrust laws by reporting false prices for North Sea Brent crude oil to the price-setting agency Platts.

Lowey Dannenberg Cohen & Hart filed the first class action, in federal court in Manhattan, on May 22, just days after investigators from the European Commission raided oil company offices in a probe of alleged collusion to distort prices for crude oil and biofuels during the half-hour window in which Platts sets prices. Five more class actions have since hit the docket in Manhattan and one in federal court in Louisiana, all naming BP, Statoil and Shell as defendants. (EC investigators also collected information from Platts, a division of McGraw Hill, but it has not been targeted in the private suits.) Last Thursday, Lowey Dannenberg petitioned the Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation to consolidate the cases before U.S. District Judge Andrew Carter, who’s been assigned to oversee all of the New York filings.

The complaints are light on specific details of the alleged collusion, but with Britain’s Serious Fraud Office and the U.S. Federal Trade Commission reportedly investigating crude oil price-setting along with the European Commission, class action lawyers should eventually be able to piggyback on regulatory findings. Plaintiffs lawyers seem to have filed now because they’re worried about the statute of limitations for claims of alleged price-fixing that go back to 2002. Several of the complaints, in fact, assert that the statute should be tolled because the defendants conspired to cover up their conspiracy.

It’s (finally) time for objectors to BofA’s MBS deal to make their case

Alison Frankel
Jun 4, 2013 13:15 UTC

To say that the hearing to evaluate Bank of America’s proposed $8.5 billion breach of contract settlement with investors in Countrywide mortgage-backed securities got off to a slow start would be something of an understatement. In a courtroom so crowded that New York State Supreme Court Justice Barbara Kapnick repeatedly admonished observers to clear a path to the door, the judge heard hours of pretrial motions, many on issues she regarded as already settled. In particular, objectors to the settlement – led by AIG, several Federal Home Loan Banks and other assorted pension and investment funds – told Kapnick that they should not be forced to proceed with opening statements until they’ve had a chance to take depositions based on privileged communications between Bank of New York Mellon, the Countrywide MBS trustee, and its lawyers at Mayer Brown. Kapnick ordered the documents produced late last month, and AIG counsel Daniel Reilly of Reilly Pozner said it wouldn’t be fair to begin a hearing to determine whether BNY Mellon made a reasonable decision to agree to the $8.5 billion settlement – which resolves potential claims by 530 trusts that Countrywide breached representations and warranties about underlying mortgage loans – until objectors have quizzed witnesses on the confidential material.

Kathy Patrick of Gibbs & Bruns, who represents BlackRock, Pimco, MetLife and other major institutional investors that negotiated the deal with BofA and BNY Mellon, said the objectors just wanted to delay Kapnick’s final reckoning of the settlement, which is being evaluated in a special proceeding under New York trust law. Reilly, who argued unsuccessfully last week for a stay of the case while the state appeals court considers whether it should be heard by a jury, insisted that he just wants the proceeding to be fair. Judge Kapnick, meanwhile, seemed preoccupied with getting the actual hearing under way. “I am trying to make this go ahead,” she told the objectors at one stage. “I am not going to reopen a point we spent an inordinate amount of time arguing about,” she said at another. “At some point, you have to get going with this.”

The delay issue came to a head in the afternoon session, when yet more motions to limit testimony and evidence had to be resolved. Reilly asked the judge to restrict Patrick from asserting that 93 percent of Countrywide MBS investors support the settlement when, in fact, the majority of certificate holders haven’t opined one way or the other. Patrick stood up and promised that she’d henceforth say that 93 percent do not object to the deal.

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