Anatole Kaletsky

Let the great economy spin

Anatole Kaletsky
Aug 22, 2013 21:43 UTC

On the way to my holiday in Italy this year, I had an epiphany about the state of the world economy. I stopped for lunch in the truly miraculous Piazza dei Miracoli in Pisa, where Galileo Galilei is said to have dropped cannon-balls from the Leaning Tower to test his theories of motion. A few years later, Galileo invented the telescope to amass the detailed astronomical observations that were needed to prove beyond reasonable doubt the heliocentric theory of the universe — the idea that the earth revolves around the sun and not the other way round, as the Bible implied. Galileo was famously tried by the Inquisition for this heresy and decided to recant, presumably inspired by what happened to his fellow-mathematician Giordano Bruno, who was burnt at the stake for similar ideas. But after mechanically recanting, Galileo muttered under his breath the rebellious phrase for which he is still renowned: eppur si muove — “and yet it moves.”

As I enjoyed my lunch in Pisa, Galileo’s defiantly optimistic words echoed through my mind. “And yet it moves” seemed perfectly to describe what I had felt about the world economy and financial markets since the crisis of 2008.

For the past five years, the media and financial markets have resounded with prophecies of doom. Economists have strained to prove why life would never be the same again; why bankruptcy was inevitable for great nations such as Italy, France, Britain and even the United States, Japan and China, and why the pre-crisis decades of prosperity would have to be followed by an era of repentance — or else a Biblical Day of Reckoning would be upon us.

Yet the world has continued to turn, even as the Last Trumpets were sounding. Since early 2009, economic conditions in most of the world have been steadily improving, employment has rebounded in the United States, Britain and Asia and recently even in parts of Europe. Corporate profits have been expanding everywhere and stock markets have risen almost without interruption.

The gap between dire predictions and reality is particularly striking today in southern Europe — especially in Italy. With unprecedented unemployment, governments falling like bowling pins and the euro project crumbling, for many pundits some kind of social collapse seemed inevitable. Yet there have been no revolutions, no breakdowns of democracy, no serious public revolts, even in countries such as Italy and Spain, with recent histories of terrible political violence. Part of the explanation lies in the big advances in genuine economic prosperity and welfare provision in the pre-crisis decades. As a result, the hardship today is nowhere near as bad as it was in the 1970s and 1980s, except perhaps in Greece. Another part of the answer is that time itself is a great healer and a crisis postponed, as the euro crisis has been, eventually becomes a crisis resolved.

Can the rest of Europe stand up to Germany?

Anatole Kaletsky
Jun 20, 2012 19:02 UTC

As financial markets slide toward disaster, scarcely pausing to celebrate the “success” of the Greek election or the deal to recapitalize Spanish banks, the euro project is finally revealing its fatal flaw. One country poses an existential threat to Europe – and it is not Greece, Italy or Spain. Every serious proposal to resolve the euro crisis since 2009 – haircuts for bank bondholders, more realistic fiscal consolidation targets, jointly guaranteed eurobonds, a pan-European bailout fund, quantitative easing by the European Central Bank – has been vetoed by Germany, and this pattern looks likely to be repeated next week.

Nobody should be surprised that Germany has become the greatest threat to Europe. After all, this has happened twice before since 1914. To state this unmentionable fact is not to impugn Germans with original sin, but merely to note Germany’s unusual geopolitical situation. Germany is too big and powerful to coexist comfortably with its European neighbors in any political structure ruled purely by national interests. Yet it isn’t big and powerful enough to dominate its neighbors decisively, as the U.S. dominates North America or China will dominate the Far East.

Wise German politicians recognized this inherent instability after 1945 and abandoned the realpolitik of national interest in favor of the idealism of European unification. Instead of trying to create a “German Europe” the new national goal was to build a “European Germany.” Unfortunately, this lesson seems to have been forgotten by Angela Merkel. Whatever the intellectual arguments for or against German-imposed austerity or the German-designed fiscal compact, there can be no dispute about their political import. Merkel’s stated goal is now to create a “German Europe,” with every nation living, working and running its government according to German rules.