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from India Insight:

Mr Pranab Mukherjee, did we hear ‘austerity’?

India is going through a rough patch. The common man knows it, foreign investors know it and so does our government.

Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, who is also one of the contenders for the post of president, has been trying his best to clear the air and restore the confidence to get the economy back on track.

In his recent Parliament speech, after he delayed the controversial GAAR norms, Mukherjee said new 'austerity measures' will be announced to aid the fiscal consolidation process.

The government, however, still doesn’t seem to be frugal when it comes to spending.

On Monday, newspapers in New Delhi were flooded with ads, some of them full page, on the 21st death anniversary of India's former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Hindustan Times alone had 11 of them. The Times of India had nine while The Indian Express had eight, all paying tribute to Gandhi.

And it's a collective effort of various ministries. From the Delhi government to the ministries of power, steel, environment, information & broadcasting, women & child development, commerce & industry -- all have space reserved in national dailies to pay tribute in their own way.

Over the weekend, Mamata Banerjee, a key ally of the Congress-led government, had a centre spread in The Times of India as her government completed a year in office. The ad, titled ‘One year towards a ray of hope’ explained the recent initiatives of her state government in West Bengal.

from The Great Debate UK:

Democracy vs. austerity

By Kathleen Brooks. The opinions expressed are her own.

Throughout history it has always been difficult to take something away from someone once you have given it to them. Europe is finding that it is extremely difficult to reign in public finances once they start to go out of control. Democracies don’t like to vote for austerity, which is why Sarkozy lost the Presidency in France, why a radical left party came second in the Greek elections and why the Conservatives got a drubbing at last week’s local elections in the UK.

This tells us something about democracy in the western world. Governments have to manage the public finances directly – they have to sell the debt, do the sums and present budgets. However, the people who vote them into (and out of) power are the public, who rightly in most cases, believe they have worked hard, paid  taxes and deserve the services and retirement promises made to them.

So here we have the problem: some governments in the West have unsustainable debt loads and deficit levels and yet they don’t have the popular mandate to try and bring that under control. That isn’t the story all over the west. The Germans and the Dutch agree that the government books should be balanced. But if you asked the rest of Europe if they wanted to reduce public debt levels to make country finances more sustainable at the expense of public services and jobs, the recent election results suggest that you would get a resounding no.

So there isn’t one unified way of thinking about austerity in the West. Some people see it as a virtue, others as a type of hell. So what to do? Europe’s one-type fits all model that is largely designed by Germany could lead to social disorder and radical political parties grabbing the reins of power in Greece. However, the more people fight against austerity the more unlikely it is that their governments can attract enough investors to buy their debt to fund their public spending needs.

So where does this vicious circle end? The answer is that no one knows. Now that the true state of public finances in Europe has been revealed it can’t be brushed under the carpet and the Greeks et al can’t go back to the pre-2007 ways of living and spending. However, the opposite – harsh austerity designed to reign in public finances at half the time it took to amass the debt in the first place - isn’t working either.

A more sensible plan is for Europe to reach some sort of compromise. Germany and Greece (as the two extremes) need to realise there are multiple views about what a democracy should provide and how public finances should be controlled. The next step is to plan a fiscal pact that allows countries to reign in public spending at the same pace as it amassed it in the first place – and fiscal targets should be spread out over 10 years rather than the current demands to bring down deficits to 3 percent of GDP by the next fiscal year. The UK could probably follow suit and realise that the debts took two parliaments to accumulate, thus it should take two parliaments to rein them in.

from MacroScope:

“There are human beings involved” in austerity debate

The inventors of democracy and its greatest 18th century champions both go to the polls this weekend. Greek and French voters will try to elect governments they hope will help release their economies from the grips of the euro zone debt crisis.

While exercising their democratic vote, Europeans will also be contemplating another key issue: their basic economic survival.

That is why the debate about austerity versus growth has become so important.

Financial markets see fiscal discipline as crucial to get the euro zone's debt burden back to sustainable levels. They are going into the Greek elections favoring triple-A rated bonds over peripheral counterparts.

The premium investors require to hold French debt over German Bunds has also risen in the run-up to the French vote as Francois Hollande became the favourite to win.

But as economies fall deeper into recession and double-digit unemployment hurts prospects for growth, the view that austerity alone will not solve the euro zone debt crisis, seems to be gradually winning over some investors in the bond market – the heart of the crisis.

Sanjay Joshi, head of fixed income at London and Capital, says:

from MacroScope:

Europe in recession – an interactive map

Spain has become the latest European country to slip into recession joining the Belgium, Cyprus, The Czech Republic, Denmark, Greece, Italy, The Netherlands, Ireland, Portugal, Slovenia and the United Kingdom.

Click here to view an interactive map.

*Updated to include Romania and Bulgaria

from Global Investing:

The “least worst” option?

Western governments saddled with mountainous debts will "repress" creditors and savers via banking regulation, capital controls, central bank bond buying and currency depreciation that effectively puts sovereign borrowers at the top of the credit queue while simultaneously wiping out real returns for their bond holders. So says HSBC chief economist Stephen King in his latest report this week called "From Depression to repression".

Building on the work of U.S. economist Carmen Reinhardt and others, King's focus on the history of heavily indebted governments applying "financial repression" to creditors arrives at several interesting conclusions. First, even though western governments appeared successful in using these tactics to reduce massive World War Two debts alongside brisk economic growth during the 1950s and 1960s, King argues that the debt was cut mainly by the impressive economic growth and tax revenues during that "Golden Age" - and this was mostly down to the once-in-a-century period of relative peace that involved unprecedented integration and cooperation among western governments also engaged in a Cold War with the Soviet Union. Compared to this boost, the financial repression was a "sideshow", he reckons.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           To show that, he applies

Instead, King says governments will adopt this repression tactic anyway just to stave off draconian austerity now and prevent a destabilising surge in economy-wide borrowing rates. This will effectively reduce the amount of credit to the rest of the private sector, or at least elevating its cost, while reducing the pressure on governments to cut the debt levels quickly. The net result, then will likely be "persistently lower growth", whatever your conclusion about the desirability of  state or the market allocation of resources.

And, in the absence of an obvious alternative, repression may also be the "least worst" option, King argues.

from Global Investing:

Research Radar: Beyond Hollande and Holland…

Markets have been dominated this week so far by the fallout from Sunday's French presidential election, where Socialist Francois Hollande now looks set to beat incumbent conservative Nicolas Sarkozy in the May 6 runoff , and the collapse of the ruling Dutch coalition on Monday.  Public anxiety about budgetary austerity in Europe was further reinforced by news on Monday of a deepening of the euro zone private sector contraction in April. That said, euro equity, bond and currency prices have stabilised relatively quickly even if implied volatility has increased as investors brace for another month or so of political heat in the single currency bloc. The French runoff is now on the same day as the Greek elections and May 31 sees Ireland going to the polls to vote on the EU's new fiscal compact.  Wall St's volatility gauge, the ViX, is back up toward 20% -- better reflecting longer term averages -- and relatively risky assets such as emerging market equities remain on the back foot. The euro political heat and slightly slower Q2 world growth pulse will likely keep markets subdued and jittery until mid year at least. At that point, another cyclical upswing in world manufacturing together with the passing of the EBA's euro bank recapitalisation deadline as well as the introduction of the new European Stability Mechanism may well encourage investors to return at better levels.

Following are some interesting tips from Tuesday's bank and investment fund research notes:

- JPM economists reckon finding the reason behind the backup in US weekly initial jobless claims over the past couple of weeks is key to assessing whether a sub-par March payrolls report is repeated in April. It says it's possible the claims jump move is a seasonal factor as unadjusted claims are closely tracking 2007's pattern and Easter holidays fell on the same dates in both years. If 2007 was repeated, there would be a sizeable late April drop in claims and JPM looks for some of that on Thursday with a 14,000 forecast drop. (Reuters poll consensus is for a 11,000 drop)

- Following the surprise news last week that dovish Bank of England policy maker Adam Posen is no longer voting for more UK money printing, Barclays FX team said it's turning more positive on the UK economy and also says sticky inflation may mean the Bank of England's current monetary stance may be too accommodative. As a result, it lowered its euro/sterling 3-month forecast to 0.79 from 0.84. However, it cautioned about being short euro/sterling until after Wednesday's Q1 UK GDP report, which it said could come in weaker than expected due to temporary factors. (Reuters poll consensus is for a 0.1% rise Q/Q)

- As everyone watches the FOMC outcome on Wednesday, Bank of New York Mellon's Simon Derrick highlights widespread expectations of further Bank of Japan easing and asset purchases on Friday. He reckons the economic arguments for more easing in Japan may be sound but it's worth considering whether BoJ governor Masaaki Shirakawa may want to start facing down heavy political pressure for endless BoJ easing.

- Rabobank's emerging markets team flag their concern about Poland's zloty, which has been one of the best performing currencies of the year so far. They say the zloty is a high "Eurozone beta" play, seen in the correlation of the eur/pln rate with composite euro periphery sovereign CDS spreads, and as a result will suffer if euro tensions rise further over the next month or two.

from MacroScope:

Euro zone goes Dutch

So the euro zone debt crisis morphs again and there is a hint of schadenfreude about the Dutch, who lectured and hectored the Greeks, now falling into the same mire.

The Dutch premier, Mark Rutte, will probably try to cobble together an unholy alliance in parliament in order to meet an April 30 EU deadline for it to present budget plans for the next year. But with elections not until late June at the earliest, there will be an unnerving period of vacuum for the markets and no guarantee that opposition parties will play ball and allow a budget to be put together.

Given all that, today’s Dutch bond auction, not normally a cause for alarm or excitement, is thrown into sharp relief. Expect yields to spiral although the small amount on offer means the paper will be sold. Italy is selling zero-coupon and inflation-linked bonds while Spain,  which remains front and centre despite the Netherlands’ travails, will probably see borrowing costs double when it sells up to 2 billion euros of 3- and 6-month treasury bills. Spanish 10-year yields poked above the pivotal 6 percent level again yesterday as the Dutch government collapse rocked markets. The Bank of Spain confirmed on Monday that a new recession has taken hold.

That brings us neatly to one of the building themes – a backlash against rapid, frontloaded austerity. It started with the IMF/G20 over the weekend where the call went out that Europe should not cut so fast that it drives itself deeper into downturn, which would actually make debt much harder to cut since government revenues would shrink. If socialist Francois Hollande wins the French presidency, he will attempt to balance the budget a little slower than Sarkozy (though the difference between the two of them is less marked than the rhetoric suggests), Italy has pushed back its deadline to get the budget deficit to zero and the Dutch could well end up with a new government that rejects austerity given the country is also in recession and looking at the state of opinion polls. Spain, of course, has already binned its original 2012 deficit target in favour of something looser, though still exacting.

So is there a shift afoot? Two things to note here. First, the Spanish example. It has been punished by the bond market since it adjusted its deficit sights, showing no country can loosen policy more than the markets will allow (which is not much). Also on that front, ratings agency Moody’s said last night that the events in the Hague were “credit negative”. It kept the outlook on its AAA rating stable for now but said any signs of fiscal wavering would make it think again. If the Netherlands was stripped of its AAA rating, there would only be four top-rated members of the euro zone left. Secondly, Berlin has little sympathy for the growth over austerity argument and it is the one that foots the bills although if yesterday’s PMIs were anything to go by even Germany may yet succumb to recession, which could change the terms of the debate there.

Does the success of parties out of the mainstream mean the political class have lost their electorates? If that’s true, then we really are in an unpredictable new world though there has been little or no sign of social unrest yet.

The other theme to ponder is the EU fiscal pact which should not be underplayed since it will in the end commit all euro zone countries to manageable debt levels, after which, who knows, even Berlin might consider the option of common euro zone bonds which would go a long way to draw a line under the crisis. Ergo, it would be disastrous if that edifice began to crumble before it was even topped out. It only requires 12 of 17 euro zone members to ratify it to come into force which looked like a certainty. But Wilders’ populist Dutch party, which toppled the government, will now campaign against the pact, the Irish will hold a referendum on it before the month is out and Hollande has pledged to renegotiate aspects of it. It will probably be fine but there is greater uncertainty surrounding the compact now.

from MacroScope:

Never mind the pain, feel the austerity

Austerity in the euro zone seems to be working -- at least as far as the headline,  dry, soulless numbers of  budget balancing are concerned. Bailed out  Greece and Ireland have reported substantial improvements in last year's profligacy performance.  Spain, while going in the wrong direction, at least has the satisfaction of being told it is not telling fibs.

We will get to the smoke and mirrors in a bit.

First Greece, the euro zone's poster child for budget ill-discipline. The 2011 budget deficit to GDP ratio  -- basically the annual overspend -- came in at 9.1 percent. This may seem like a lot given the EU target is 3 percent, but it was down from 10.3 percent  a year earlier and from 15.6 percent the year before that. Furthermore, if you take out all the debt repayments costs that Athens has to make , you end up with only 2.4 percent (although in truth that is like pretending you don't have a mortgage).

In Ireland, the craic was all about trouncing expectations. The deficit to GDP ratio for 2011 came in at 9.4 percent, which compared with an original 10.6 percent target and even a revised target just last December of 10.  1 percent. Everything is on track, Dublin reckons, to meet this year's 8.6 percent.

Now, those not wanting their party pooped, please look away.

The official figures suggest that Greece's improvement is almost entirely down to increased revenues. Government spending as a percentage of GDP last year was 50.1 percent, barely changed from a year early and only a tad down from 2008. And this comes after a number of years of painful austerity that has helped keep Greece in recession for more than four years -- it is into its fifth now, staring at a 4.8 percent 2012 contraction -- and that has pushed more than a fifth of the country out of work. Greece's debt (ie accumulated deficits)  as a proportion of GDP last year was 42.3 percentage points higher than in 2008.

Ireland, in the meantime, was enjoying its deficit improvement (still the worst in the euro zone) by finessing away one-off capitalisations into its banks that were worth some 3.7 percent of GDP.  Including those and some others, the deficit last year was  13.1 percent. This comes after Ireland has made budgetary adjustments totalling 25.4 billion euros since 2008 -- the  equivalent to 16 percent of it 2011 GDP -- and has had to hike taxes and cut spending by 8.6 billion euros between 2013 and 2015, i.e. another 5 percent of GDP. It is back in recession and seeing its exports hit by the troubles is main trading partners in the European Union are having.

from Global Investing:

Three snapshots for Monday

The euro zone's business slump deepened at a far faster pace than expected in April, suggesting the economy will stay in recession at least until the second half of the year. The euro zone's manufacturing PMI came in below all forecasts from a Reuters poll of  economists, plumbing 46.0 in April - its lowest reading since June 2009. Weak PMI numbers are a bad sign for economic growth (see chart) but also for earnings:

Reuters reports that the Dutch government will resign on Monday in a crisis over budget cuts, spelling the end of a coalition which has strongly backed a European Union fiscal treaty and lectured Greece on getting its finances in order. As this overview shows the Dutch economy looks in better shape than many in the euro zone but is still finding austerity measures difficult to pass.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy appealed directly to far right voters on Monday with pledges to get tough on immigration and security, after a record showing in a first round election by the National Front made them potential kingmakers. See how the votes may transfer from 1st to 2nd round in this interactive calculator (click here).

from The Great Debate:

Britain’s austerity experiment is faltering

It was the Welsh sage Alan Watkins who remarked that a budget that looked good the day it was delivered to the British Parliament was sure to look terrible a week later, and vice versa. The avalanche of new information dumped by the Treasury is simply too much to grasp at a single sitting, and governments tend to bury bad news in a welter of statistics. And so it proved with finance minister George Osborne’s budget served up last week.

The immediate headlines stressed that rich Brits would pay less income tax – down from 50 percent to 45 percent – but it only took a day before even traditional Conservative cheerleaders like the Daily Mail were condemning Osborne for funding tax breaks for bankers and billionaires by stealing from those living in retirement. The paper’s cover screamed: “Osborne picks the pockets of pensioners.”

Osborne insists he is sticking to his “Plan A” to reduce the public deficit by sharply cutting state spending by 25 percent over the five-year parliament and imposing severe austerity. Because he believes his “Plan A” is on target, all he needed was a touch on the tiller. He therefore designed his budget to be fiscally neutral – that is, for every tax cut there was a corresponding tax increase. He put up tobacco and alcohol duties and sliced a little off corporation tax.

Osborne’s broader economic experiment, however, is fast faltering. If it were a drug trial, doctors would be urgently taking patients off the snake oil and feeding them the placebo. In 2010, he inherited from Gordon Brown’s Labour government a fast-rising recovery in economic growth, but now, after two years, GDP is headed south, and Britain is teetering on the edge of a government-inspired double-dip recession. In the last quarter of last year, GDP shrank by 0.3 percent.

As predicted, “Plan A” is not working. The number of jobless is 2.67 million (8.4 percent) and rising, the highest rate for 17 years, and the cost of paying the unemployed to do nothing is soaring. Inflation is running at 3.7 percent. Most galling of all, no doubt, for Cameron and Osborne, who were rushed into taking drastic measures when Bank of England Governor Mervyn King spooked them into believing the markets would punish them if they did not tackle the deficit right away, the rating agencies Moody's and Fitch have warned that notwithstanding the debt-reduction efforts, Britain could soon lose its AAA status.

Far from spurring the British economy to greater things, the Cameron coalition’s slash-and-scrimp policies have moved the government sector even deeper into debt. According to the latest Treasury figures, in February the current budget deficit rose to £11.1 billion. Borrowing rose to £15.2 billion. And the net public debt was £995 billion, or 63.1 percent of GDP. Critically for the coalition, even by the Treasury’s optimistic estimates, public-sector net debt as a percentage of GDP will continue to rise for another two years, maxing out at 76.3 percent just in time for Cameron to call a general election.

Debt reduction and austerity may be popular with the financial markets and Austrian economists, but British voters are fast beginning to tire of hard times. Cameron’s cry of “We’re all in this together” sounds a little hollow when he and his multimillionaire colleagues, such as Osborne – 23 of the 29 members of the Cabinet are worth more than $1.6 million – are so conspicuously not consuming the gruel they are feeding the rest of the nation. Cameron took five expensive high-profile family holidays last year, four of them abroad, all dutifully recorded in detail by Fleet Street’s finest.