Daniel Wallis

How bad can things get in Madagascar? Dissident soldiers said they had deployed tanks in the capital on Friday and the president urged the population to repel the mutineers.

In a worst case scenario, tanks in Antananarivo could lead to battles between the police and the presidential guard -- who remain loyal to President Marc Ravalomanana -- against mutinous troops and members of the military police.

The mutineers insist they have no plans to attack the presidential palace, that they are not taking orders from opposition leader Andry Rajoelina, and that they are only responding to public calls to restore law and order.

Rumours have been rife in the city all week that Ravalomanana might call in hundreds of mercenaries, perhaps from South Africa, to defend him now that parts of the armed forces no longer listen to him. The mutineers said they had deployed tanks specifically to "intercept" any private mercenary forces that tried to enter the capital.

If that happened, fighting could break out and civilians would almost certainly be caught in the crossfire. The U.S. Embassy is encouraging its diplomats and citizens to leave while they can.

If the public ignore the president's call to confront the dissident troops, and the mutineers stick to their pledge not to attack his palace and topple him at gunpoint, the stand-off is likely to continue. A crisis in 2002 over disputed election results rumbled on for eight months. The United Nations, African Union and others have been pushing for a resumption of face-to-face talks between the two men, but as the crisis deepens that prospect is receding.

Meanwhile, The crisis has already hammered Madagascar's previously booming $390 million-a-year tourism sector. Tour operators say a stand-off will lead to the entire year being a write-off, and any escalation of the violence could hit visitor arrivals for years to come.

Major foreign investors, which include Total, Rio Tinto and Sherritt International, have so far not been affected, since their operations are well outside the capital. But civil war or a protracted stalemate, would be sure to make them re-evaluate their investment plans.

Despite the extremely tight security at this week's African Union summit in Ethiopia, one brief lapse gave some journalists covering the meeting a very rare glimpse behind the scenes.

Reporters at the annual meeting in Addis Ababa are normally kept well away from the heads of state, except for the occasional carefully managed press conference, or a brief word thrown in our direction as they sweep past in the middle of a phalanx of sharp-elbowed, scowling bodyguards.

As the talks dragged well past midnight on Tuesday, long after the summit was scheduled to end, a European diplomat approached me and a colleague: "Want to see something interesting?"

Leading us down an outside staircase, we were suddenly confronted with the sight of dozens of African leaders consulting in private.

The curtains in the meeting room had been left open a little, and we had a perfect view of Libya's Muammar Gaddafi holding forth. Gaddafi, who was elected AU chairman at the summit, appeared to be particularly animated -- although we couldn't hear what he was saying.

But as the discussions neared 2 a.m., the other presidents became visibly more and more tired.

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, sitting just a couple of metres away, looked particularly dejected, often holding his head in his hands. Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni stared stonily ahead. AU Commission chairman Jean Ping, sitting next to Gaddafi, stifled a few yawns.

But still Gaddafi, who is urging the leaders to agree to his long-held dream of a United States of Africa, pushed on.

I ran to tell colleagues and soon a couple of photographers were snapping away through the glass. It was bright inside, and pitch black outside, so the presidents couldn't see us.

"Nobody use flash: security will be here in a split second if they see it," one Kenyan cameraman warned.

And still the talks went on.

Several leaders kept checking their watches, and others began surreptitiously packing their attaché cases, perhaps in the hope of heading back to their hotels to sleep or to enjoy the last few hours of Addis Ababa nightlife.

Then an aide brought the gold-robed Gaddafi another steaming pot of tea.

Would anybody be able to leave before dawn?

Moments later, Museveni decided to act.

Leaving his seat, he walked the length of the hall and whispered something in the Libyan leader's ear. Gaddafi looked up at him, laughed, and moments later the meeting broke up.

We quit our unprecedented vantage point on the stairs and raced with scores of other journalists, bodyguards and officials to the entrance to the hall. Maybe we would get the press conference we'd been waiting for after all.

But no such luck.

A large posse of burly bodyguards suddenly swept past, Gaddafi at its centre. He was going back to his tent, set up in the gardens of a palatial hotel.

"Go home and sleep," he told the throngs of reporters thrusting microphones at him and hurling questions. "Come back tomorrow."

    Barack Obama's campaign for U.S. president was followed around the world, but perhaps nowhere more closely than in the tiny hamlet of Kogelo in remote western Kenya.

    Obama's late father hailed from here -- and that brought a media circus that rivalled any an African village has seen.

    His successful race to the White House has thrilled many ordinary Africans who hope that having a black man in the world's most powerful job will mean concrete U.S. support to lift them out of  poverty, a theme taken up by South African President Kgalema Motlanthe.

    "We express the hope that poverty and under-development in Africa, which remains a challenge for humanity, will indeed continue to receive a greater attention of the focus of the new administration," he said in a statement reacting to Obama’s win.

    But will it really? Or will wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, healthcare reform or the financial market meltdown wipe African issues off his agenda?

    Analysts have cautioned that the new U.S. president will have little scope to bring tangible benefits to Africans.

    Africans are used to all-powerful leaders who can make decisions unilaterally, while U.S. presidents face far greater checks and balances.

    On Kenyan TV on Wednesday, an 11-year-old schoolgirl called on Obama to use his new influence to end "oppressive" World Trade Organisation rules.

    But during a previous visit here in 2006, Obama reminded thousands of adoring fans that he was the senator for Illinois in the United States, not Kogelo.

    Will Obama's election win make any difference at all to the people of western Kenya, or the majority on the rest of the world's poorest continent?

    What do you think?

Covering Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni for four years as the Reuters correspondent in Kampala was seldom dull.

When he was in a good mood, the former rebel would banter with journalists long after his aides wanted him to leave. In a bad mood, he would scowl and growl back answers in return.

He was often charismatic and regularly very funny.

At one meeting with then International Monetary Fund boss Rodrigo Rato in August 2004, he had participants in stitches as he described a panel of portly finance ministry officials as "not typical Ugandans".

"These ones are eating for others," Museveni joked as the civil servants squirmed.

The cattle herd boy turned guerrilla commander portrays himself as a tough but humble man with simple tastes.

Reporters in the scenic capital Kampala soon learned that one way to cheer him up was to ask about his extensive cattle herds, or better still, anything to do with the armed forces.

More than once, he called for a whiteboard and marker pens so he could explain Uganda's military structure in detail to "criminally ignorant" journalists.

At the weekend, state media confirmed that the 64-year-old -- who has already ruled the country for 22 years -- would be running for re-election at polls in 2011.

The news cheered investors who like his record of steady economic growth and are hungry for opportunities in emerging markets.

But it will frustrate critics, including some Western donors, who have criticised his increasingly autocratic leadership style.

What do you think? Is economic stability or political change more important in a fast growing nation like Uganda? Has one of the biggest characters of African politics overstayed his welcome already?

Although Zimbabwe got all the headlines, the official theme of the African Union summit in the Egyptian resort of Sharm el-Sheikh was water.
That made it all the more surprising for thirsty delegates that there was none for them to drink.
Journalists covering the summit had other complaints.
Usually, these meetings are a glorious chance for reporters to grab quotes from normally elusive heads of state as they glide through the plush halls, flanked by aides and bodyguards.
But the Egyptians had other ideas at this summit. Maybe it was a sign of the sensitivity of the discussions, with Zimbabwe's election crisis overshadowing all other topics. Or perhaps it was an indication of the immensely tight security around Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak -- who escaped an assassination attempt at an African summit in Ethiopia in 1995.
Local security officials banned reporters from entering areas even two halls away from where the leaders were meeting.
A few news crews still got through, but some scuffled with President Robert Mugabe's security men late on Sunday -- the 84-year-old leader was himself knocked about. After that, security became even tighter, with journalists confined only to a smoky, overcrowded press centre.
Reporters like me and Reuters colleagues Opheera McDoom and Cynthia Johnston were banned from going to interview leaders even after their aides came to escort us to see them.
At least one official was advised not to enter the press room -- to avoid provoking a crush. Egyptian security said they couldn't guarantee the safety of officials.
Meanwhile, journalists were barricaded in one end of the building, with no food provided apart from two coffee breaks during the 12-hour days. Those offerings were devoured in seconds by a ravenous pack, depriving those who weren't quick enough for even a dry piece of cake.
AU officials griped about the lack of hospitality too.
"This is the worst summit ever," said one experienced AU official.

[CROSSPOST blog: 14 post: 10780]

Original Post Text:
Human-animal relations are at breaking point in Kenya's renowned Maasai Mara game reserve.
Visitor numbers have dropped 80 percent since a deadly post-election crisis at the start of the year, meaning the Mara Conservancy, the non-profit organisation that manages the park, is in financial crisis.
It has had to cut back on anti-poaching patrols, lay off staff and suspend a successful cattle compensation scheme that had encouraged conservation by paying local Maasai for livestock killed by leopards and lions.

Attacks by predators are on the rise, and some Maasai say they are ready to hunt down the big cats stalking their herds - something that would slash animal numbers in the park and hurt any revival of Kenya's vital tourism sector.

In a bid to continue protecting the reserve's wildlife, two Conservancy staff members have taken their fundraising efforts online, both with modest success. 

Joseph Kimojino, a ranger with 20 years experience, writes an impassioned blog describing the job, the dangers of setting ambushes for cattle rustlers and how the Maasai have responded to the cutbacks. He has raised more than $35,000 since January.

Asuka Takita, a Japanese vet who trained in Kenya and speaks fluent Swahili, as well as the Maasai language Maa, also uses the Web to recount tales of treating wildlife in the park and domestic animals on the escarpment above - including vaccinating thousands of dogs against rabies. Her readers have donated about $50,000 to date.

Both have received support from around the world, but what do you think? How important is it to conserve wildlife when tens of thousands of Kenyans remain homeless because of political violence? What will the long-term effects be on the economy?

Human-animal relations are at breaking point in Kenya's renowned Maasai Mara game reserve.
Visitor numbers have dropped 80 percent since a deadly post-election crisis at the start of the year, meaning the Mara Conservancy, the non-profit organisation that manages the park, is in financial crisis.
It has had to cut back on anti-poaching patrols, lay off staff and suspend a successful cattle compensation scheme that had encouraged conservation by paying local Maasai for livestock killed by leopards and lions.

Attacks by predators are on the rise, and some Maasai say they are ready to hunt down the big cats stalking their herds - something that would slash animal numbers in the park and hurt any revival of Kenya's vital tourism sector.

In a bid to continue protecting the reserve's wildlife, two Conservancy staff members have taken their fundraising efforts online, both with modest success. 

Joseph Kimojino, a ranger with 20 years experience, writes an impassioned blog describing the job, the dangers of setting ambushes for cattle rustlers and how the Maasai have responded to the cutbacks. He has raised more than $35,000 since January.

Asuka Takita, a Japanese vet who trained in Kenya and speaks fluent Swahili, as well as the Maasai language Maa, also uses the Web to recount tales of treating wildlife in the park and domestic animals on the escarpment above - including vaccinating thousands of dogs against rabies. Her readers have donated about $50,000 to date.

Both have received support from around the world, but what do you think? How important is it to conserve wildlife when tens of thousands of Kenyans remain homeless because of political violence? What will the long-term effects be on the economy?

Activists across east Africa have been celebrating after Uganda’s government dropped plans last week to carve off nearly a third of a protected rainforest to grow sugar cane.

Mabira Forest, which lies between the capital Kampala and the Source of the Nile at Jinja, is home to species including rare monkeys, birds and butterflies, and a medicinal shrub used to treat malaria. It’s also a popular tourist attraction with walking trails and bicycle paths.

The proposal to slash 7,100 hectares (17,540 acres) for a sugar company triggered violent protests in April that killed three people.

From central Africa to the Amazon basin and Indonesia’s islands, experts say the world’s great forests are being lost at a rate of at least 13 million hectares (32 million acres) a year -- an area the size of Greece or Nicaragua.

Trees suck up carbon dioxide, so that adds to global warming, they say. Africa, the continent least prepared to cope with climate change, is expected to be hit hardest.

Ugandan newspapers have been full of letters praising the authorities for saving Mabira. But the country’s leader, President Yoweri Museveni, maintains that poor nations must boost their economies first, before they can afford to protect their environment.

Uganda’s water and environment minister, Maria Mutagamba, said it was a “happy ending” to the story.

 What do you think?