The abductions of two Italians and two government officials by Maoist guerrillas in just over a month must have left Indian authorities with a sense of déjà vu as they search for ways to end the cycle of negotiations and eventual accession to demands made by the rebels.

For the Maoists, who say they are fighting for people left out of India’s economic boom, the tactic of taking hostages instead of engaging soldiers brings huge dividends — obtaining freedom for jailed comrades and suspension of military ‘combing’ operations in areas controlled by them.

The method is not new, with government records showing hundreds of kidnappings since 2008 by Maoists, who have fought for decades in a wide swathe of central and eastern India including many resource-rich regions. Authorities stumble along on a case-by-case basis because there is no set procedure on how to handle such situations.

But the recent pattern of high-profile abductions which have grabbed national headlines have worried the central government enough to consider drafting a long overdue policy on dealing with hostage situations.

Countries like the U.S., with its “no negotiation” policy and Israel’s deadly responses to militant attacks have all been contrasted to India’s handling of hostage crises, which most agree is not tough enough to stop or discourage future cases.

No details are known of the policy draft, but for any policy to be effective, India must shed its ‘soft’ image and include the politically risky option of rescue operations, without which the only option of hostage release in most cases is agreeing to the abductors’ demands.

And there are quite a few precedents to learn from – starting from the famous 1999 ‘Kandahar Hijacking’ where three Kashmiri militants were released, to the recent events in Orissa where authorities freed a Maoist leader’s imprisoned wife and promised to facilitate the release of several other rebels.

A ‘beef-eating festival’ in most parts of Hindu-majority India was always going to be considered provocative.

Clashes and a stabbing sparked tension at Hyderabad’s Osmania University when a group of students demanded the inclusion of beef in the hostel menu.

Most Hindus consider the cow sacred and number of states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Chhatisgarh ban cow slaughter, with Gujarat going as far as outlawing even the transportation of cattle without a special permit.

But many lower-caste Hindu ‘dalits’ and people from some parts of southern India and the North-East consider it an integral part of their diet, on par with other meat like chicken and pork.

Proponents of the ban justify it by saying it shows respect for the religious sentiments of the country’s majority community, while those opposed to it say the law is anti-secular.

Even in economic terms, beef is cheaper than other meat products and more affordable for the poor, and industries churning out beef products like leather shoes, belts, etc. are also major employment generators.

So the question is — should a democratic country like India put a blanket ban on a particular type of meat? Some would say the religious connotations and the extreme reactions it evokes justify it.

When in church, wear what the preacher tells you. So says the Synod Executive Committee, a decision-making body of the largest church in the north-eastern Indian state of Mizoram.

All women attending places of worship should refrain from wearing see-through dresses, clothes that expose the breasts or are too tight-fitting — and trousers — according to a dress code prescribed for Presbyterian Church of India members. The guidelines also say men must wear clean shoes and respectable suits.

Church attire has been a subject of discussion for years in the Christian-majority state, whose youth are influenced heavily by western fashion and hip-hop culture, and more recently the ‘Korean Wave’ phenomenon.

While some women still wear conservative dresses and traditional ‘puan’ (cloth wrapped around the waist) to church, many others attend service with short skirts and tight pants, drawing frequent condemnation from church elders and pastors who say they demean the place of worship.

Many others also complain that the poor feel left out as most use the religious service — which also happens to be one of the biggest social gatherings in the community — to flaunt expensive outfits.

But with most of the ire directed at women, is the dress code a simple case of propriety, or does gender come into play?

The directive against trousers for women, for instance, seems like a patriarchal diktat. Formal trousers are deemed ‘respectable’ in most workplaces, and aren’t considered too revealing. And many women, especially with infants to take care of, find it more practical as opposed to skirts or traditional ‘puan’ which are more prone to ‘wardrobe malfunction’.

Protests are as common in India as the ‘Singh’ surname in the national hockey team.

On the face of it, it’s one indicator of a free society where every citizen can get his voice heard. But agitations like the recent one against a film crew for recreating parts of Chandigarh to look like a Pakistani city seem to create an impression of misplaced priorities (and some would say too much free time for the protesters).

Hindu radicals decried the Pakistan link; and not to be left out, a Muslim umbrella body said the movie about the killing of al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden showed their religion in a bad light.

Apart from Pakistan and religion, one also has to be careful in making public comments on topics which touch on caste, class, ethnicity, geography and gender.

The straight-talking and self-professed forward-looking chairperson of the National Commission for Women, Mamta Sharma, discovered the gender minefield when she said at a seminar that girls should not be offended if someone calls them ‘sexy’.

Rights activists and politicians slammed her, saying the sexually suggestive word “promotes violence”.

But there are many liberals who defend the right to free speech and artistic freedom. Local artists in Chandigarh defended Oscar winner Kathryn Bigelow’s film crew on their right to make a realistic movie set (even if it meant temporarily creating a mini-Pakistan), while the protests against author Salman Rushdie’s scheduled presence at the Jaipur Literary Festival in January was slammed by the media and many literary figures.

Go to any market and you will find many products ranging from cosmetics to food and heavy industrial materials sport ISI or ISO certification tags, indicating that they are safe for use and assure a certain level of quality.

Even cheap toys from wholesale markets, which on face value alone look like brittle recycled plastic, can be seen with a ‘quality’ tag, giving one a feeling that the mark is being easily used and abused by unscrupulous manufacturers.

On Friday, Food Minister K.V. Thomas indicated that some Indian companies may be churning out sub-standard products despite displaying the quality tags.

“We are getting a lot of complaints regarding the quality of tyres which have got these ISO markings,” Thomas said.

ISI is a quality tag issued by the national standards body, the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS), while ISO tags are standards prescribed by the International Organization for Standardization, of which India is a founding member.

The minister also displayed apprehension about the ability of the BIS to ensure quality in industries like jewellery by issuing the quality mark.

Responding to questions on the bullion industry’s demand for mandatory hallmarking of jewellery for ensuring quality, Thomas said: “I feel there should be some authenticity for this hallmarking”.

The running theme of the 21st century is that of economic partnerships, from the European Union to ASEAN, with the aim of fostering and maintaining economic prosperity and social progress.

And arch rivals India and Pakistan might also discover the economic and political dividend of cooperation if they are sincere in liberalising bilateral trade.

As a Pakistani commerce minister visited India for the first time in 35 years, big words are flowing from both sides about agreements reached in easing trade restrictions and their sincerity in pushing up by several notches a fragile peace process that was shattered following the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

Initiatives like the present trade agreements which include opening a new customs post and easing visa rules are termed confidence building measures (CBMs), whose larger purpose is to gradually normalise ties.

And officials say they are more sincere than ever in fostering cooperation.

“You would appreciate the difference in approach this time. Both sides are committed that they would make this dialogue process irreversible,” Pakistani Commerce Minister Makhdoom Amin Fahim said.

Indian commerce minister Anand Sharma added: “The visit will be a defining one … we have talked on all things in an environment of frankness and openness.”