Towards a better society in China
As a slogan, the Three Represents was puzzling. It was in 2000 that Jiang Zemin decided that the once revolutionary Chinese Communist Party would represent the private sector, which he called ‚Äúadvanced productive forces‚ÄĚ; along with its traditional constituencies of intellectuals (‚Äúadvanced culture‚ÄĚ) and workers (‚Äúthe overwhelming majority of the people‚ÄĚ).
The 2000 strategy of Jiang, then the General Secretary of the CCP, did help bind the peculiarly Chinese political system into promoting the common good. The challenge was to ensure that the nation‚Äôs single political force did not lose touch with the country‚Äôs increasingly diversified economy. The inclusion of bourgeois businessmen and grasping capitalists has kept the Party credible and effective in a poor and ideologically scarred country. But as China leaves impoverishment behind, its leaders need to worry about more than mere material prosperity. The time has come to plan for a broader national agenda – a move from the Three Represents to the Five Responsibilities.
First, China must honour the responsibility to its past. For the past two centuries many Chinese leaders have seen their homeland as backward. They enthusiastically cast aside ideas and ideals which – until about 1700 – had made Chinese culture so sophisticated, its philosophy so profound and its government so impressive.
A visit to the new ‚ÄúRoad of Rejuvenation‚ÄĚ exhibit at Beijing‚Äôs National Museum of China suggest that the naively Marxist narrative of class conflict and revolutionary heroism lives on. Of course, such propaganda should not be taken at face value, but a more honest and helpful view of the past is both possible and desirable. The government will struggle to maintain intellectual legitimacy if it relies on such a narrow vision of history.
Second, the government has the responsibility to develop a more consistent attitude to the West, as the Chinese often call everything that has emerged from European traditions. Having cast out so much of the Chinese past, the CCP often accepts the West as the standard-setter in technology, law, education and culture. As the country becomes more successful, it will need to copy less and develop more of its own version of modernity.
The most urgent aspect of this responsibility is to rethink a Western idea which has been abandoned in its homelands. Communists believed that an advanced State had no need to allow political opposition or organisations which are not closely aligned with the government. The Party need not remain enslaved to this bad idea. Even if the one-party government remains sacrosanct, the distrust of civil society, which makes it difficult for activists, artists and religious groups to flourish, deserves reconsideration.
Third, the CCP has a responsibility to develop its non-economic elite, Jiang‚Äôs ‚Äúadvanced culture‚ÄĚ. While the CCP discarded most old ideas, it continued the pre-Communist Chinese belief that intellectuals and spiritual leaders should play an important role in setting the national agenda. But in the last decade, the Chinese elite seem to have decayed. Money-grubbing and technical thinking have triumphed, at the expense of imagination and moral example-setting.
Fourth is the responsibility to the common people, Jiang‚Äôs ‚Äúoverwhelming majority‚ÄĚ. The CCP does a pretty good job for the people, especially on economic issues. Still, there is substantial work to be done, and not just in further increasing wealth. The government should make education less mechanical, step back from enforced family planning and enliven the mostly drab new urban expanses.
The final responsibility is to the environment. This has been largely neglected in the rush to increase living standards. Now, though, China is rich enough that cleaner air and water would do more for those standards than increased production. Care for the environment can be seen as the culmination of the other four Responsibilities. Respect for the natural world was crucial in traditional Chinese religion. Reinvigorating that legacy could help China improve on the West‚Äôs techniques for integrating production with environmental concern. It would require support from a committed and honest elite and a disciplined people.
The transition from Represents to Responsibilities can only be made by facing what a Marxist might call the internal contradiction of the CCP. It cannot develop much further without abandoning its founding principle, a narrowly materialist world view. ‚ÄôHarmonious development‚Äô, the slogan of Jiang‚Äôs successor, Hu Jintao, has a vaguely spiritual ring to it, but doesn‚Äôt overcome the contradiction.
The CCP was clever enough lead the recovery from Maoism and avoid the decay of the former Soviet Union. Despite much corruption, it still garners levels of respect and trust from the people that would render any Western political party green with envy. Perhaps Xi Jinping, set to succeed Hu later this year, will define a Party which is responsible enough to give China not only more prosperity but also the better society its people deserve.