The non-scandal of Scott Irwin and Craig Pirrong

By Felix Salmon
December 29, 2013

Ostensibly Respectable Academic Is In Fact A Hack: it’s a hardy perennial, and an enjoyable one at that. The best example is Inside Job, where big names like Ric Mishkin and Glenn Hubbard got their well-deserved comeuppance. And it’s a genre I’ve indulged in myself: last year, for instance, I spent 4,500 words on a paper by Bob Litan, showing how he lies with numbers to arrive at his paymasters’ predetermined conclusion.

But here’s the thing: for this kind of article to carry any weight, it has to demonstrate the mendacity or venality of the academics in question — and, ideally, those academics should have a high-profile reputation which deserves to be tarnished.

Which is why David Kocieniewski’s article about Craig Pirrong and Scott Irwin this weekend is such a disappointment. It’s currently doing very well on the NYT’s most-emailed list, but it’s easy to guess who’s doing the emailing: people who love to hate Wall Street, and who will use just about any possible excuse for doing so. Because in this case Kocieniewski has missed the mark. Neither Pirrong or Irwin is mendacious or venal, and indeed it’s the NYT which seems to be stretching the facts well past their natural breaking point.

Let’s start, for instance, with the one part of the article almost everybody will read: the big picture at the top of the article, showing the gleaming and extremely expensive University of Illinois business school. “The Chicago Mercantile Exchange has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008,” says the caption, “with most of the money going to the business school.”

That number — a very big sum, which is more than enough to buy research from for-sale economists — gets repeated further down the article:

One of the most widely quoted defenders of speculation in agricultural markets, Mr. Irwin of the University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, consults for a business that serves hedge funds, investment banks and other commodities speculators, according to information received by The Times under the Freedom of Information Act. The business school at the University of Illinois has received more than a million dollars in donations from the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and several major commodities traders, to pay for scholarships and classes and to build a laboratory that resembles a trading floor at the commodities market.

Mr. Irwin, the University of Illinois and the Chicago exchange all say that his research is not related to the financial support.

This is carefully written to be as damning as possible. Yes, it makes perfect sense that the CME would fund a major business school right in its own backyard — and that it would fund activities related to its own business of commodities trading. But surely Kocieniewski is about to show us how the grants are linked in some way to Irwin’s research: no NYT reporter would write such a thing unless he had reason to believe that there was some kind of quid pro quo, or that the grants to the business school were written in gratitude to Irwin.

Except, if you keep on reading to the point at which you’re 2,500 words into the piece — and pretty much nobody reads that far — you’ll find this:

While the C.M.E. has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008, most has gone to the business school and none to the School of Agriculture and Consumer Economics, where Mr. Irwin teaches. And when Mr. Irwin asked the exchange’s foundation for $25,000 several years ago to sponsor a website he runs to inform farmers about agricultural conditions and regulations, his request was denied.

This is real jaw-on-the-floor stuff. The NYT has published an article about how academics who write nice things about Wall Street “reap rewards”, in the words of the headline — and its main illustration is donations to a business school where the academic in question doesn’t even work! Anybody trying to hold academics to standards of intellectual honesty has to be intellectually honest themselves. And the fact is that there’s zero reason to believe that there’s any connection between the business-school donations and Irwin’s research.

Or maybe Kocieniewski thinks that consulting contract is enough to demonstrate that all money in the general vicinity of Irwin is tainted by venality. Except, if you get to the very end of the article, you’ll find out a bit more about what this consulting contract comprises:

Mr. Irwin also works for a business called Yieldcast that caters to agricultural producers, investments banks and other speculators, selling them predictions of corn and soybean yields. Mr. Irwin has said he does not consider it a conflict because he works only with the mathematical forecasting models and never consults with clients.

This is pretty blameless stuff. If you’re a professor who puts together models of commodities prices, it’s fine to consult for a company which puts together models of commodities prices. Shouldn’t we be encouraging professors to work on real-world applications of their research, rather than implying that any such work is a dastardly conflict of interest?

Once you realize how much of an axe Kocieniewski is grinding, then the rest of his article rapidly starts to crumble. For starters, as Evan Soltas says, both of these men are “super-freshwater” academic economists, working at freshwater schools. (In econojargon, “freshwater” economics happens far from the coasts, and is generally laissez-faire and pretty right-wing; “saltwater” economics takes place in coastal universities and tends to be more Keynesian, interventionist, and leftist.) Neither is inclined to write anything which deviates from freshwater orthodoxy. Kocieniewski takes issue with these professors’ defense of financial speculation — but that’s a central tenet of freshwater economics, and “orthodox economist is orthodox” is never going to be much of a story.

What’s more, there’s clear evidence that Pirrong, in particular, does not simply churn out whatever his paymasters want him to write:

Commodity trading houses are not “too big to fail”, says a report commissioned by the banking industry’s top lobby group, which had hoped it would conclude the opposite.

That report was written by Pirrong, who is on the record as saying that the report was never officially published precisely because he refused to change its conclusions. (Kocieniewski quotes from Pirrong’s post, but doesn’t link to it.)

Indeed, you don’t need to spend very much time reading Pirrong’s excellent blog before you realize that he’s one of those economists who will always speak his mind. Pirrong is not a grandee who can be counted on to deliver a certain conclusion if you pay him enough money: there are many economists out there who I consider to be in the “bought and paid for” camp, but Pirrong is absolutely not one of them.

So, what’s going on here? Three things.

First, Kocieniewski has a bee in his bonnet about the effect of commodities speculation on commodities prices. He has not only convinced himself that speculative flows caused substantial increases in commodity prices; he has also seemingly convinced himself that anybody who disagrees with that position must be lying. So he’s taken aim at Pirrong and Irwin, not because they have made a lot of money from the financial-services industry, and not because they’re particularly conflicted, but just because they hold a position Kocieniewski doesn’t like. As Peter Klein acerbically puts it, “if you oppose the Times’s editorial position on regulation (or any other issue), you are compromised by financial or other ties. If you support the Times’s position, you are a scholar or public figure of great integrity.”

Secondly, Kocieniewski has picked on these two professors in particular because they both work at public universities, which can be FOIA’ed. Kocieniewski put in freedom-of-information requests for the two professors — requests that private universities like Harvard or Yale could happily ignore — and used the results as the basis for his story. Thanks, David — you’ve just made it even more difficult for public universities to attract top economic talent.

And finally, Kocieniewski seems to have bought into a much bigger conspiracy theory which he’s looking to illustrate — a theory summed up in the NYT’s “Professors as Pitchmen” subhed. It’s a theme which runs through Kocieniewski’s piece:

Underwriting researchers and academic institutions is one part of Wall Street’s efforts to fend off regulation…

Major financial companies have also funded magazines and websites to promote academics with friendly points of view…

Financial firms have been able to use the resources and credibility of academia to shape the political debate.

The Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, for example, at times blur the line between research and public relations.

The exchange’s public relations staff has helped Mr. Irwin shop his pro-speculation essays to newspaper op-ed pages, according to emails reviewed by The Times. His studies, writings, videotaped speeches and interviews have been displayed on the exchange’s website and its online magazine.

Kocieniewski’s most explosive allegation, here — that major financial companies have paid magazines and websites to promote certain academics — is in desperate need of backing up: he needs to name the companies and the magazines in question, and explain exactly what he’s talking about. Is he just referring to advertorial content, or sites like the Financialist which are clearly sponsored by financial institutions? Or is he saying that financial-services companies have found a way to pay for certain content to find its way into the editorial pages of certain magazines? That’s certainly what he’s implying.

Then again, when Kocieniewski starts babbling about “the line between research and public relations”, the simplest explanation starts becoming clear: that he’s just gone a little bit off the reservation. There is no “line between research and public relations”; rather, as every financial journalist knows, there is research, and then there is a small army of PR people who try to get journalists to write about that research. Those PR people might work for sell-side banks, or for the Federal Reserve system, or for private universities, or for public universities, or for non-profit think-tanks, or for-profit corporations — but in any event, their job is just to get certain pieces of research noticed. If the CME finds a piece of research that it likes, it makes perfect sense that it will feature that research on its website and tell journalists about it. No line is being crossed there.

There’s no doubt that PR people can be infuriating at times, but Kocieniewski is taking this idea one step further: he’s saying that if an academic agrees with a certain corporate point of view, and allows the company in question to promulgate that view, then the academic has thereby basically become that company’s PR person.

Once you understand that deep assumption, then the rest of the article starts to make more sense. Kocieniewski sees Pirrong and Irwin as PR people for financial speculators, and feels that no PR people should ever receive the kind of respect that these two economists get, especially in Washington. If Kocieniewski presented that view in a blog post, maybe at Daily Kos or Zero Hedge, few people would bat an eyelid. It’s a little on the overheated side, but I know a lot of people who would basically agree with it.

The problem is that Kocieniewski isn’t presenting this view as opinion: instead, he’s presenting it as a fact, unearthed by his diligent use of freedom-of-information requests. Even though those requests revealed nothing surprising whatsoever. What Kocieniewski calls Pirrong’s “financial dealings with speculators”, for instance, Pirrong himself has another term for: “litigation consulting”. It makes sense that Pirrong would frequently be used as an expert witness: he explains things clearly, he’s well respected, and he’s entirely consistent in where he comes down on certain well-known questions. The causality here is abundantly clear: Pirrong’s views caused the commodities firms to hire him as a witness, not the other way around.

In presenting Pirrong and Irwin as doing something deeply unethical, Kocieniewski is actually making sensible ethics reform much more difficult. The AEA code of ethics is an important document, which goes a long way towards addressing the conflicts in the financial-economics industry. But Irwin, for one, was clearly entirely in line with the code all along. (Pirrong, I think, should have been more forthcoming about the identity of the companies paying him substantial expert-witness fees.) If Kocieniewski can take a blameless professor and turn him into a poster child for graft, then it’s easy to see how the rest of the academy might come to the conclusion that they were better off when everything was secret.

Update: Craig Pirrong has responded to the NYT’s story with a detailed and excellent post.

22 comments

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The “substantial expert-witness fees”, disclosed or not, don’t seem dramatically different from what got economists their “well-deserved comeuppance” in Inside Job.

“The causality here is abundantly clear: Pirrong’s views caused the commodities firms to hire him as a witness, not the other way around.” Initially, maybe. But the causality doesn’t flow just one way.

Posted by CaptainMacro | Report as abusive

I would disagree with the description of saltwater economics as “leftist”. Greg Mankiw, who served in the Bush administration, is certainly a saltwater guy. So’s Ben Bernanke, who is again originally a Bush appointee. To the extent that it’s sane to call these guys “leftist”, that’s only because the right has drifted so incredibly far off into cloud cuckoo land that anyone remotely sane, even if they hold quite libertarian / small government views, seems liberal by comparison.

Posted by Auros | Report as abusive

Kocieniewski’s article was grandstanding & dumb.

He unwittingly tripped over a good story — JPM discarding research it paid Pirrong to produce — but didn’t followup with reporting.

Banks like JPM oppose centrally-cleared derivatives exchanges like the CME because they erode banks’ profits.

The friendly feud between banks and exchanges is longstanding. But Pirrong, like all freshwater economists, has always sided with the the CMEs of the world, not the JPMs.

My guess is Pirrong wants all financial derivatives — bonds too — to trade thru centrally-cleared exchanges.

Banks don’t want that to happen, for reasons NYT readers will remain oblivious of until someone reports on it.

Posted by dedalus | Report as abusive

I don’t know about these kinds of academics, but Wall Street payola for op-ed types is more the rule than the exception.

Posted by druce | Report as abusive

http://pointsandfigures.com/2013/12/28/a cademics-bought-paid/ I am pretty close to this issue and took offense at the way the NYT characterized research. No doubt, they rarely criticize government research or NGO research they find suits their agenda.

Posted by pointsnfigures | Report as abusive

I agree completely that Mr. Kocieniewski is picking on the wrong guys. But if he is worried about tainted research, shouldn’t he be as concerned about the economists who are paid consultants for the Fed, World Bank, IMF, etc.? I’m not saying that they are tainted, but a balanced story should consider them too.

Posted by Kiffmeister | Report as abusive

The real kicker is the paragraph:
“But so much speculative money poured into markets — from $13 billion in 2003 to $317 billion at a peak in 2008 — that many economists, and even some commodities traders and investment banks, say the flood became a factor of its own in distorting prices.”
Yet the article does not quote one single economist or commodity trader to support this! As Felix says, an article about intellectual honesty needs to be intellectually honest itself.

Oh, and Pirrong is not slavishly pro-exchange – a lot of his work (tendentiously in my opinion) is designed to show that exchanges are not a cure-all for the systemic risk created by over-the-counter derivatives. It’s an honestly held, well-argued position.

Posted by tgma | Report as abusive

I also thought that sentence — “But so much speculative money poured into markets . . . the flood became a factor of its own in distorting prices” — was nonsensical.

Why accuse the Universities of Illinois and Houston for being too cozy with the financial industry when the University of Colorado built a trading simulation center they named “The J.P. Morgan Center for Commodities” ?

http://connections.cu.edu/across-cu/j-p- morgan-center-for-commodities-establishe s-partnership-with-education-industry/

Check out the vendors:

http://www.ucdenver.edu/academics/colleg es/business/about/Centers/commodities/Pa ges/partners.aspx

If you’re CQG or Trading Technologies, you want to get your wares in front of the kids while they’re still impressionable.

Posted by dedalus | Report as abusive

“Oh, and Pirrong is not slavishly pro-exchange – a lot of his work (tendentiously in my opinion) is designed to show that exchanges are not a cure-all for the systemic risk created by over-the-counter derivatives. It’s an honestly held, well-argued position.”

Pirrong’s position, at least as I understand it, is that exchanges are not a solution to counterparty risk. Rather, they are a concentration of it. Something that seems to me to be obviously true. Whether that’s a good thing or not is another matter of course.

I know Pirrong (vaguely, online only) and was astonished at this NYT piece. My conclusion was very much the same as Felix’s. The reporter, or the NYT, assumes the position that increased speculation drives up commodity prices. Therefore anyone arguing the opposite must be a paid for shill.

All of which is quite amusing as the NYT’s own Paul Krugman continually points out that futures speculation *cannot* increase physical prices in the absence of the hoarding of physical stocks. And when we go looking for evidence of such increases in physical stocks we, absent aluminium perhaps, find bupkiss.

Not that that has stopped various left side campaigners like the World Development Movement and so on. Nor the Robin Hood Tax people.

And there were several details in that piece that really do shame a Pulitzer Prize winning reporter and the fact checkers at the NYT.

They claim the Bank of Canada is a “bank” rather than the country’s central bank, like the BoE or Bank of France. They talk of work for AIG FP without noting that it’s bust. And claim that in 2000 the commodity markets were “deregulated” which is nonsense. What did happen was that the de facto position on the legal status of swaps etc were, by legislation, turned into the de jure ones. It wasn’t a deregulation at all, it was a clarification of regulation. Y’all think that futures and options and swaps are such and such, that’s the way you’re all operating and here’s the statute that confirms that.

A deeply shoddy piece I thought.

Posted by TimWorstall | Report as abusive

Thanks for this. When I read Kocieniewski’s piece I was inclined to be sympathetic to it, but couldn’t be because he provided no evidence or authoritative opinion on whether Pirrong cooks his research to order. What you present is far more developed than my reservations.

But I think you underemphasize a point that Kocieniewski almost made but, along with everything else, botched. In parentheses you state, “Pirrong, I think, should have been more forthcoming about the identity of the companies paying him substantial expert-witness fees.” Yes. In fact, if he did disclose them instead of effectively hiding them, his testimony would be far less valued (though certainly not valueless) because of the appearance of conflict of interest — that is, his sponsors would likely pay him much lower consulting fees. By hiding his ties, Pirrong is cheating the marketplace of ideas: that’s not only blatantly unethical, but also inconsistent with his own free-market approach to most other matters.

Felix, I hope you consider this point further — it deserves to be more than a parenthesis in your canny and acute analysis.

Posted by hmelehy | Report as abusive

So according to Felix’s Rules for Reporters, the NYT should demonstrate that the professors are “venal,” but not use the available tools such as FOIA requests to investigate. Then when the FOIA requests do show that one of the subjects has indeed hidden his conflicts of interest from public view, the NYT should ignore that “mendacious” behavior because the professor’s blog is such excellent reading.

Wow. I could go to forbes.com for this sort of analysis.

Posted by Trollmes | Report as abusive

Felix,

Congrats, you appear to have become a hero to the libertarian/Austrian crowd for the nonce.

Was that on your bucket list?

http://bastiat.mises.org/2013/12/mendaci ous-nyt-reporter-smears-economists-on-sp eculation/

Posted by Christofurio | Report as abusive

I agree with the substance of this piece. But the freshwater/saltwater note is very tired, dated, misleading, and unhelpful; see, e.g., Steve Williamson’s blog on this. More specifically, the f/s split christened by Robert Hall nearly 40 years was made in reference to the New Classical Macro assault on 1960s/70s era Keynesian macroeconomics; it has/had nothing to do with research on whether speculative activity in commodities markets increases prices and/or price volatility.

Posted by GlibFighter | Report as abusive

“Pirrong, I think, should have been more forthcoming about the identity of the companies paying him substantial expert-witness fees.”

Why?

The bio the article linked to described the kind of clients he has.

In a litigation the parties will produce their witnesses and it is clear who has paid whom. I don’t see why it’s incumbent on Pirrong to bundle this information together in one place to save a lazy and unreflective journalist from doing some legwork.

Posted by GreenAsGrass | Report as abusive

When the NYT article is even-handed toward its subjects, you don’t seem to be able to follow the theme. The professors are not portrayed as venal or mendacious. The professors are portrayed as having substantial undisclosed business ties to commercial, non-academic enterprises. Most people recognize that such ties inevitably lead to influence.

That’s it. That’s the story. Effective journalism requires real-life examples. The particular subjects of this NYT piece do not seem like unscrupulous individuals from the information we are given, but rather are a part of a system which rewards a variety of pro-business views.

Shedding crocodile tears for the NYT use of FOIA requests–and then ignoring that what the NYT found through them -renders your further rhetoric hollow and unconvincing.

Posted by Trollmes | Report as abusive

Gee, Felix, are you telling us you believe New York Times reporters are passing off liberal opinions as facts and calling it news?

That the story is being widely eaten up by those happy to live on this reservation?

Quite a scandal you’ve uncovered, Felix.

Posted by solotar | Report as abusive

Oh dear, Felix, look who likes what you wrote:

Thomas Sowell:http://www.nationalreview.com/art icle/367232/hit-piece-journalism-thomas- sowell

John Hinderaker:http://www.powerlineblog.com/ archives/2013/12/the-ny-times-looks-in-t he-wrong-place-for-corrupt-academics.php

If you can point to either of those two ever being right about anything, I would love to see it. Just so you know who you are getting into bed with, many of Pirrong’s supporters conspicuously share his climate change denial views…even when they don’t seem directly related to this matter. Not to say that climate change denial is a huge red flag for corporate influence…well, actually it is.

It’s not too late to say, “Oops, the NYT had a point. These guys are hard-working academics and also freelance consultants hustling to make a buck like anyone else, but they may, wittingly or not, be influenced by who puts the bread on their table. I mean, to be fair, who isn’t?”

Posted by Trollmes | Report as abusive

Mr. Salmon, if you don’t consider Craig Pirrong to be in the “bought and paid for” division of economists, why do you suggest and link to a Reuters article that spends its entire final page condemning Mr. Pirrong for his conflict of interests? The article describes the shady agendas of a few economists but focuses on Pirrong for testifying against Dodd Frank regulations for monetary compensation by those financial firms opposed to it. There’s an explanation in order for how he differs from the other economists mentioned in the article that you agree have been bought and paid for.

Posted by Dylmaxfin | Report as abusive

Mr. Salmon, if you don’t consider Craig Pirrong to be in the “bought and paid for” division of economists, why do you suggest and link to a Nation article that spends its entire final page condemning Mr. Pirrong for his conflict of interests? The article describes the shady agendas of a few economists but focuses on Pirrong for testifying against Dodd Frank regulations for monetary compensation by those financial firms opposed to it. There’s an explanation in order for how he differs from the other economists mentioned in the article that you agree have been bought and paid for.

Posted by Dylmaxfin | Report as abusive

Really, Trollmes? the point is that the two named individuals were “hustling to make a buck like anyone else,” and thus were accordingly subject to the same temptations as everyone else? Nothing much to see here, just platitudes always true of everyone decked out as a specific and timely news story. And specifying two names?

Who just happen to have questioned a hypothesis dear to the heart of the fellow with the byline. Oh, coincidences are everywhere.

Posted by Christofurio | Report as abusive

The non-scandal of Scott Irwin and Craig Pirrong
By Felix Salmon ~ DECEMBER 29, 2013 ~ Posted by Christofurio 

Ostensibly Respectable Academic Is In Fact A Hack: it’s a hardy perennial, and an enjoyable one at that. The best example is Inside Job, where big names like Ric Mishkin and Glenn Hubbard got their well-deserved comeuppance. And it’s a genre I’ve indulged in myself: last year, for instance, Ispent 4,500 words on a paper by Bob Litan, showing how he lies with numbers to arrive at his paymasters’ predetermined conclusion. RC: Pure Krugmanite of NYT/Princeton.
But here’s the thing: for this kind of article to carry any weight, it has to demonstrate the mendacity or venality of the academics in question, ideally, those academics should have a high-profile reputation which deserves to be tarnished.
Which is why David Kocieniewski’s article about Craig Pirrong and Scott Irwin this weekend is such a disappointment. It’s currently doing very well on the NYT’s most-emailed list, but it’s easy to guess who’s doing the emailing: people who love to hate Wall Street, and who will use just about any possible excuse for doing so. Because in this case Kocieniewski has missed the mark. Neither Pirrong or Irwin is mendacious or venal, and indeed it’s the NYT which seems to be stretching the facts well past their natural breaking point. RC: Pure Krugmanite of NYT/Princeton again.
Let’s start, for instance, with the one part of the article almost everybody will read: the big picture at the top of the article, showing the gleaming and extremely expensive University of Illinois business school. “The Chicago Mercantile Exchange has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008,” says the caption, “with most of the money going to the business school.” RC: MMmmm…:POTUS former law practice area. Let’s also remember CME is in 20 Wacker drive, a common habit of 20′s aged students. In fact I see the entire case one for wacker’s.
That number — a very big sum, which is more than enough to buy research from for-sale economists — gets repeated further down the article: RC: Didn’t they know they can buy Krugman cheaper as NYT prove, but he isn’t crom the mob trained city, Albany NY is more the business end of the $.
One of the most widely quoted defenders of speculation in agricultural markets, Mr. Irwin of the University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, consults for a business that serves hedge funds, investment banks and other commodities speculators, according to information received by The Times under the Freedom of Information Act. The business school at the University of Illinois has received more than a million dollars in donations from the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and several major commodities traders, to pay for scholarships and classes and to build a laboratory that resembles a trading floor at the commodities market. RC: MMmm…POTUS taught UC rather than UI, but taught all the same Illinois & Chicago pretty much one? UC being private research based with great accolades & Lauriat’s than the State Research UI same city anyhow, so same thinking UICU follows, rather than leads. Mr. Irwin, the University of Illinois & Chicago exchange all say his research is not related to the financial support.
This is carefully written to be as damning as possible. Yes, it makes perfect sense that the CME would fund a major business school right in its own backyard — RC: MMmm… win POTUS support too perhaps??? & that it would fund activities related to its own business of commodities trading. But surely Kocieniewski is about to show us how the grants are linked in some way to Irwin’s research: no NYT reporter would write such a thing unless he had reason to believe that there was some kind of quid pro quo, or that the grants to the business school were written in gratitude to Irwin. RC: Can’t hurt to be at 20 Wacker drive either. Chicago has plenty of them. Always has since roaring 20′s. Anyhow now with POTUS former links entrenched, and On August 18, 2008, shareholders approved a merger with the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) and COMEX. The Merc, CBOT, NYMEX and COMEX are now markets owned by the CME Group, back in Krugman vested NYT’s area. That’s where NYT reporter might find a reasonable fear of being undermined by invading CME dudes into NYMEX. Or perhaps its just that Monsanto have vested interests in the subject research and a long hekld strong attachment to Illinois Viz., see Wikipedia “In1926 the company founded and incorporated a town called Monsanto in Illinois (now known as Sauget). It was formed to provide a liberal regulatory environment and low taxes for the Monsanto chemical plants at a time when local jurisdictions had most of the responsibility for environmental rules. It was renamed in honor of Leo Sauget, its first village president”.
Except, if you keep on reading to the point at which you’re 2,500 words into the piece — and pretty much nobody reads that far — you’ll find this:
While the C.M.E. has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008, most has gone to the business school and none to the School of Agriculture and Consumer Economics, where Mr. Irwin teaches. And when Mr. Irwin asked the exchange’s foundation for $25,000 several years ago to sponsor a website he runs to inform farmers about agricultural conditions and regulations, his request was denied.
RC: Now lets see vested research & Monsanto interests perhaps CME’s main Ag-field :~ “Commodity futures and options ~ Agricultural Commodity Contracts include: Live Cattle, Lean Hogs,Feeder Cattle, Class IV Milk, Class III Milk, Frozen Pork Bellies, International Skimmed Milk Powder (ISM), Nonfat Dry Milk, Deliverable Nonfat Dry Milk, Dry Whey, Cash-Settled Butter, Butter, Random Length Lumber, Softwood Pulp, Hardwood Pulp.

This is real jaw-on-the-floor stuff. The NYT has published an article about how academics who write nice things about Wall Street “reap rewards”, in the words of the headline — and its main illustration is donations to a business school where the academic in question doesn’t even work! Anybody trying to hold academics to standards of intellectual honesty has to be intellectually honest themselves. And the fact is that there’s zero reason to believe that there’s any connection between the business-school donations and Irwin’s research.
Or maybe Kocieniewski thinks that consulting contract is enough to demonstrate that all money in the general vicinity of Irwin is tainted by venality. Except, if you get to the very end of the article, you’ll find out a bit more about what this consulting contract comprises:
Mr. Irwin also works for a business called Yieldcast that caters to agricultural producers, investments banks and other speculators, selling them predictions of corn and soybean yields. RC: Oh! Goody Monsanto prime subject at this time “Corn & Soybean GMO Yield accelerators” Mr. Irwin has said he does not consider it a conflict because he works only with the mathematical forecasting models and never consults with clients.
This is pretty blameless stuff. If you’re a professor who puts together models of commodities prices, it’s fine to consult for a company which puts together models of commodities prices. Shouldn’t we be encouraging professors to work on real-world applications of their research, rather than implying that any such work is a dastardly conflict of interest? RC: Never fear Monsanto will practice those risks, and CME/NYMEX/NYT can also look & smell like roses.
Once you realize how much of an axe Kocieniewski is grinding, then the rest of his article rapidly starts to crumble. For starters, as Evan Soltas says, both of these men are “super-freshwater” academic economists, working at freshwater schools. (In econojargon, “freshwater” economics happens far from the coasts, and is generally laissez-faire and pretty right-wing; “saltwater” economics takes place in coastal universities and tends to be more Keynesian, interventionist, and leftist.) Neither is inclined to write anything which deviates from freshwater orthodoxy. Kocieniewski takes issue with these professors’ defense of financial speculation — but that’s a central tenet of freshwater economics, and “orthodox economist is orthodox” is never going to be much of a story.
What’s more, there’s clear evidence that Pirrong, in particular, does not simply churn out whatever his paymasters want him to write:
Commodity trading houses are not “too big to fail”, says a report commissioned by the banking industry’s top lobby group, which had hoped it would conclude the opposite.
That report was written by Pirrong, who is on the record as saying that the report was never officially published precisely because he refused to change its conclusions. (Kocieniewski quotes from Pirrong’s post, but doesn’t link to it.)
Indeed, you don’t need to spend very much time reading Pirrong’s excellent blog before you realize that he’s one of those economists who will always speak his mind. Pirrong is not a grandee who can be counted on to deliver a certain conclusion if you pay him enough money: there aremany economists out there who I consider to be in the “bought and paid for” camp, but Pirrong is absolutely not one of them.
So, what’s going on here? Three things.
First, Kocieniewski has a bee in his bonnet about the effect of commodities speculation on commodities prices. He has not only convinced himself that speculative flows caused substantial increases in commodity prices; he has also seemingly convinced himself that anybody who disagrees with that position must be lying. So he’s taken aim at Pirrong and Irwin, not because they have made a lot of money from the financial-services industry, and not because they’re particularly conflicted, but just because they hold a position Kocieniewski doesn’t like. As Peter Klein acerbically puts it, “if you oppose the Times’s editorial position on regulation (or any other issue), you are compromised by financial or other ties. If you support the Times’s position, you are a scholar or public figure of great integrity.”
Secondly, Kocieniewski has picked on these two professors in particular because they both work at public universities, which can be FOIA’ed. Kocieniewski put in freedom-of-information requests for the two professors — requests that private universities like Harvard or Yale could happily ignore — and used the results as the basis for his story. Thanks, David — you’ve just made it even more difficult for public universities to attract top economic talent.
And finally, Kocieniewski seems to have bought into a much bigger conspiracy theory which he’s looking to illustrate — a theory summed up in the NYT’s “Professors as Pitchmen” subhed. It’s a theme which runs through Kocieniewski’s piece:
Underwriting researchers and academic institutions is one part of Wall Street’s efforts to fend off regulation…
Major financial companies have also funded magazines and websites to promote academics with friendly points of view…
Financial firms have been able to use the resources and credibility of academia to shape the political debate.
The Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, for example, at times blur the line between research and public relations.
The exchange’s public relations staff has helped Mr. Irwin shop his pro-speculation essays to newspaper op-ed pages, according to emails reviewed by The Times. His studies, writings, videotaped speeches and interviews have been displayed on the exchange’s website and its online magazine.
Kocieniewski’s most explosive allegation, here — that major financial companies have paid magazines and websites to promote certain academics — is in desperate need of backing up: he needs to name the companies and the magazines in question, and explain exactly what he’s talking about. Is he just referring to advertorial content, or sites like the Financialist which are clearly sponsored by financial institutions? Or is he saying that financial-services companies have found a way to pay for certain content to find its way into the editorial pages of certain magazines? That’s certainly what he’s implying. RC: I think if you read my yellow research comments you may agree with this conspiracy theory viz., POTUS Chicago U ties, CME now NYMEX tec. NYT always open to Krugmanlike flexible $$$ Professors, CME Group Ltd., commodity futures & Option trading in ag., Monsanto 1926 links, their main emphasis today both players “Corn & Soybean GMO’s”~ Is this a starting place?
Then again, when Kocieniewski starts babbling about “the line between research and public relations”, the simplest explanation starts becoming clear: that he’s just gone a little bit off the reservation. There is no “line between research and public relations”; rather, as every financial journalist knows, there is research, and then there is a small army of PR people who try to get journalists to write about that research. Those PR people might work for sell-side banks, or for the Federal Reserve system, or for private universities, or for public universities, or for non-profit think-tanks, or for-profit corporations — but in any event, their job is just to get certain pieces of research noticed. If the CME finds a piece of research that it likes, it makes perfect sense that it will feature that research on its website and tell journalists about it. No line is being crossed there. RC: Yep Monsanto lackies do that well.
There’s no doubt that PR people can be infuriating at times, but Kocieniewski is taking this idea one step further: he’s saying that if an academic agrees with a certain corporate point of view, and allows the company in question to promulgate that view, then the academic has thereby basically become that company’s PR person. RC: Probably as “Money speaks louder than words” always.
Once you understand that deep assumption, then the rest of the article starts to make more sense. Kocieniewski sees Pirrong and Irwin as PR people for financial speculators, and feels that no PR people should ever receive the kind of respect that these two economists get, especially in Washington. If Kocieniewski presented that view in a blog post, maybe at Daily Kos or Zero Hedge, few people would bat an eyelid. It’s a little on the overheated side, but I know a lot of people who would basically agree with it.
The problem is that Kocieniewski isn’t presenting this view as opinion: instead, he’s presenting it as a fact, unearthed by his diligent use of freedom-of-information requests. Even though those requests revealed nothing surprising whatsoever. What Kocieniewski calls Pirrong’s “financial dealings with speculators”, for instance, Pirrong himself has another term for: “litigation consulting”. It makes sense that Pirrong would frequently be used as an expert witness: he explains things clearly, he’s well respected, and he’s entirely consistent in where he comes down on certain well-known questions. The causality here is abundantly clear: Pirrong’s views caused the commodities firms to hire him as a witness, not the other way around.
In presenting Pirrong and Irwin as doing something deeply unethical, Kocieniewski is actually making sensible ethics reform much more difficult. The AEA code of ethics is an important document, which goes a long way towards addressing the conflicts in the financial-economics industry. But Irwin, for one, was clearly entirely in line with the code all along. (Pirrong, I think, should have been more forthcoming about the identity of the companies paying him substantial expert-witness fees.) If Kocieniewski can take a blameless professor and turn him into a poster child for graft, then it’s easy to see how the rest of the academy might come to the conclusion that they were better off when everything was secret.

Posted by Robcarter | Report as abusive

The non-scandal of Scott Irwin and Craig Pirrong
By Felix Salmon ~ DECEMBER 29, 2013 ~ Posted by Christofurio 

Ostensibly Respectable Academic Is In Fact A Hack: it’s a hardy perennial, and an enjoyable one at that. The best example is Inside Job, where big names like Ric Mishkin and Glenn Hubbard got their well-deserved comeuppance. And it’s a genre I’ve indulged in myself: last year, for instance, Ispent 4,500 words on a paper by Bob Litan, showing how he lies with numbers to arrive at his paymasters’ predetermined conclusion. RC: Pure Krugmanite of NYT/Princeton.
But here’s the thing: for this kind of article to carry any weight, it has to demonstrate the mendacity or venality of the academics in question, ideally, those academics should have a high-profile reputation which deserves to be tarnished.
Which is why David Kocieniewski’s article about Craig Pirrong and Scott Irwin this weekend is such a disappointment. It’s currently doing very well on the NYT’s most-emailed list, but it’s easy to guess who’s doing the emailing: people who love to hate Wall Street, and who will use just about any possible excuse for doing so. Because in this case Kocieniewski has missed the mark. Neither Pirrong or Irwin is mendacious or venal, and indeed it’s the NYT which seems to be stretching the facts well past their natural breaking point. RC: Pure Krugmanite of NYT/Princeton again.
Let’s start, for instance, with the one part of the article almost everybody will read: the big picture at the top of the article, showing the gleaming and extremely expensive University of Illinois business school. “The Chicago Mercantile Exchange has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008,” says the caption, “with most of the money going to the business school.” RC: MMmmm…:POTUS former law practice area. Let’s also remember CME is in 20 Wacker drive, a common habit of 20′s aged students. In fact I see the entire case one for wacker’s.
That number — a very big sum, which is more than enough to buy research from for-sale economists — gets repeated further down the article: RC: Didn’t they know they can buy Krugman cheaper as NYT prove, but he isn’t crom the mob trained city, Albany NY is more the business end of the $.
One of the most widely quoted defenders of speculation in agricultural markets, Mr. Irwin of the University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana, consults for a business that serves hedge funds, investment banks and other commodities speculators, according to information received by The Times under the Freedom of Information Act. The business school at the University of Illinois has received more than a million dollars in donations from the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and several major commodities traders, to pay for scholarships and classes and to build a laboratory that resembles a trading floor at the commodities market. RC: MMmm…POTUS taught UC rather than UI, but taught all the same Illinois & Chicago pretty much one? UC being private research based with great accolades & Lauriat’s than the State Research UI same city anyhow, so same thinking UICU follows, rather than leads. Mr. Irwin, the University of Illinois & Chicago exchange all say his research is not related to the financial support.
This is carefully written to be as damning as possible. Yes, it makes perfect sense that the CME would fund a major business school right in its own backyard — RC: MMmm… win POTUS support too perhaps??? & that it would fund activities related to its own business of commodities trading. But surely Kocieniewski is about to show us how the grants are linked in some way to Irwin’s research: no NYT reporter would write such a thing unless he had reason to believe that there was some kind of quid pro quo, or that the grants to the business school were written in gratitude to Irwin. RC: Can’t hurt to be at 20 Wacker drive either. Chicago has plenty of them. Always has since roaring 20′s. Anyhow now with POTUS former links entrenched, and On August 18, 2008, shareholders approved a merger with the New York Mercantile Exchange (NYMEX) and COMEX. The Merc, CBOT, NYMEX and COMEX are now markets owned by the CME Group, back in Krugman vested NYT’s area. That’s where NYT reporter might find a reasonable fear of being undermined by invading CME dudes into NYMEX. Or perhaps its just that Monsanto have vested interests in the subject research and a long hekld strong attachment to Illinois Viz., see Wikipedia “In1926 the company founded and incorporated a town called Monsanto in Illinois (now known as Sauget). It was formed to provide a liberal regulatory environment and low taxes for the Monsanto chemical plants at a time when local jurisdictions had most of the responsibility for environmental rules. It was renamed in honor of Leo Sauget, its first village president”.
Except, if you keep on reading to the point at which you’re 2,500 words into the piece — and pretty much nobody reads that far — you’ll find this:
While the C.M.E. has given more than $1.4 million to the University of Illinois since 2008, most has gone to the business school and none to the School of Agriculture and Consumer Economics, where Mr. Irwin teaches. And when Mr. Irwin asked the exchange’s foundation for $25,000 several years ago to sponsor a website he runs to inform farmers about agricultural conditions and regulations, his request was denied.
RC: Now lets see vested research & Monsanto interests perhaps CME’s main Ag-field :~ “Commodity futures and options ~ Agricultural Commodity Contracts include: Live Cattle, Lean Hogs,Feeder Cattle, Class IV Milk, Class III Milk, Frozen Pork Bellies, International Skimmed Milk Powder (ISM), Nonfat Dry Milk, Deliverable Nonfat Dry Milk, Dry Whey, Cash-Settled Butter, Butter, Random Length Lumber, Softwood Pulp, Hardwood Pulp.

This is real jaw-on-the-floor stuff. The NYT has published an article about how academics who write nice things about Wall Street “reap rewards”, in the words of the headline — and its main illustration is donations to a business school where the academic in question doesn’t even work! Anybody trying to hold academics to standards of intellectual honesty has to be intellectually honest themselves. And the fact is that there’s zero reason to believe that there’s any connection between the business-school donations and Irwin’s research.
Or maybe Kocieniewski thinks that consulting contract is enough to demonstrate that all money in the general vicinity of Irwin is tainted by venality. Except, if you get to the very end of the article, you’ll find out a bit more about what this consulting contract comprises:
Mr. Irwin also works for a business called Yieldcast that caters to agricultural producers, investments banks and other speculators, selling them predictions of corn and soybean yields. RC: Oh! Goody Monsanto prime subject at this time “Corn & Soybean GMO Yield accelerators” Mr. Irwin has said he does not consider it a conflict because he works only with the mathematical forecasting models and never consults with clients.
This is pretty blameless stuff. If you’re a professor who puts together models of commodities prices, it’s fine to consult for a company which puts together models of commodities prices. Shouldn’t we be encouraging professors to work on real-world applications of their research, rather than implying that any such work is a dastardly conflict of interest? RC: Never fear Monsanto will practice those risks, and CME/NYMEX/NYT can also look & smell like roses.
Once you realize how much of an axe Kocieniewski is grinding, then the rest of his article rapidly starts to crumble. For starters, as Evan Soltas says, both of these men are “super-freshwater” academic economists, working at freshwater schools. (In econojargon, “freshwater” economics happens far from the coasts, and is generally laissez-faire and pretty right-wing; “saltwater” economics takes place in coastal universities and tends to be more Keynesian, interventionist, and leftist.) Neither is inclined to write anything which deviates from freshwater orthodoxy. Kocieniewski takes issue with these professors’ defense of financial speculation — but that’s a central tenet of freshwater economics, and “orthodox economist is orthodox” is never going to be much of a story.
What’s more, there’s clear evidence that Pirrong, in particular, does not simply churn out whatever his paymasters want him to write:
Commodity trading houses are not “too big to fail”, says a report commissioned by the banking industry’s top lobby group, which had hoped it would conclude the opposite.
That report was written by Pirrong, who is on the record as saying that the report was never officially published precisely because he refused to change its conclusions. (Kocieniewski quotes from Pirrong’s post, but doesn’t link to it.)
Indeed, you don’t need to spend very much time reading Pirrong’s excellent blog before you realize that he’s one of those economists who will always speak his mind. Pirrong is not a grandee who can be counted on to deliver a certain conclusion if you pay him enough money: there aremany economists out there who I consider to be in the “bought and paid for” camp, but Pirrong is absolutely not one of them.
So, what’s going on here? Three things.
First, Kocieniewski has a bee in his bonnet about the effect of commodities speculation on commodities prices. He has not only convinced himself that speculative flows caused substantial increases in commodity prices; he has also seemingly convinced himself that anybody who disagrees with that position must be lying. So he’s taken aim at Pirrong and Irwin, not because they have made a lot of money from the financial-services industry, and not because they’re particularly conflicted, but just because they hold a position Kocieniewski doesn’t like. As Peter Klein acerbically puts it, “if you oppose the Times’s editorial position on regulation (or any other issue), you are compromised by financial or other ties. If you support the Times’s position, you are a scholar or public figure of great integrity.”
Secondly, Kocieniewski has picked on these two professors in particular because they both work at public universities, which can be FOIA’ed. Kocieniewski put in freedom-of-information requests for the two professors — requests that private universities like Harvard or Yale could happily ignore — and used the results as the basis for his story. Thanks, David — you’ve just made it even more difficult for public universities to attract top economic talent.
And finally, Kocieniewski seems to have bought into a much bigger conspiracy theory which he’s looking to illustrate — a theory summed up in the NYT’s “Professors as Pitchmen” subhed. It’s a theme which runs through Kocieniewski’s piece:
Underwriting researchers and academic institutions is one part of Wall Street’s efforts to fend off regulation…
Major financial companies have also funded magazines and websites to promote academics with friendly points of view…
Financial firms have been able to use the resources and credibility of academia to shape the political debate.
The Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the University of Illinois at Champaign-Urbana, for example, at times blur the line between research and public relations.
The exchange’s public relations staff has helped Mr. Irwin shop his pro-speculation essays to newspaper op-ed pages, according to emails reviewed by The Times. His studies, writings, videotaped speeches and interviews have been displayed on the exchange’s website and its online magazine.
Kocieniewski’s most explosive allegation, here — that major financial companies have paid magazines and websites to promote certain academics — is in desperate need of backing up: he needs to name the companies and the magazines in question, and explain exactly what he’s talking about. Is he just referring to advertorial content, or sites like the Financialist which are clearly sponsored by financial institutions? Or is he saying that financial-services companies have found a way to pay for certain content to find its way into the editorial pages of certain magazines? That’s certainly what he’s implying. RC: I think if you read my yellow research comments you may agree with this conspiracy theory viz., POTUS Chicago U ties, CME now NYMEX tec. NYT always open to Krugmanlike flexible $$$ Professors, CME Group Ltd., commodity futures & Option trading in ag., Monsanto 1926 links, their main emphasis today both players “Corn & Soybean GMO’s”~ Is this a starting place?
Then again, when Kocieniewski starts babbling about “the line between research and public relations”, the simplest explanation starts becoming clear: that he’s just gone a little bit off the reservation. There is no “line between research and public relations”; rather, as every financial journalist knows, there is research, and then there is a small army of PR people who try to get journalists to write about that research. Those PR people might work for sell-side banks, or for the Federal Reserve system, or for private universities, or for public universities, or for non-profit think-tanks, or for-profit corporations — but in any event, their job is just to get certain pieces of research noticed. If the CME finds a piece of research that it likes, it makes perfect sense that it will feature that research on its website and tell journalists about it. No line is being crossed there. RC: Yep Monsanto lackies do that well.
There’s no doubt that PR people can be infuriating at times, but Kocieniewski is taking this idea one step further: he’s saying that if an academic agrees with a certain corporate point of view, and allows the company in question to promulgate that view, then the academic has thereby basically become that company’s PR person. RC: Probably as “Money speaks louder than words” always.
Once you understand that deep assumption, then the rest of the article starts to make more sense. Kocieniewski sees Pirrong and Irwin as PR people for financial speculators, and feels that no PR people should ever receive the kind of respect that these two economists get, especially in Washington. If Kocieniewski presented that view in a blog post, maybe at Daily Kos or Zero Hedge, few people would bat an eyelid. It’s a little on the overheated side, but I know a lot of people who would basically agree with it.
The problem is that Kocieniewski isn’t presenting this view as opinion: instead, he’s presenting it as a fact, unearthed by his diligent use of freedom-of-information requests. Even though those requests revealed nothing surprising whatsoever. What Kocieniewski calls Pirrong’s “financial dealings with speculators”, for instance, Pirrong himself has another term for: “litigation consulting”. It makes sense that Pirrong would frequently be used as an expert witness: he explains things clearly, he’s well respected, and he’s entirely consistent in where he comes down on certain well-known questions. The causality here is abundantly clear: Pirrong’s views caused the commodities firms to hire him as a witness, not the other way around.
In presenting Pirrong and Irwin as doing something deeply unethical, Kocieniewski is actually making sensible ethics reform much more difficult. The AEA code of ethics is an important document, which goes a long way towards addressing the conflicts in the financial-economics industry. But Irwin, for one, was clearly entirely in line with the code all along. (Pirrong, I think, should have been more forthcoming about the identity of the companies paying him substantial expert-witness fees.) If Kocieniewski can take a blameless professor and turn him into a poster child for graft, then it’s easy to see how the rest of the academy might come to the conclusion that they were better off when everything was secret.

Posted by Robcarter | Report as abusive