Opinion

Felix Salmon

Counterparties: A minimal vision at Barclays

Ben Walsh
Feb 12, 2013 23:26 UTC

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At the recently revamped house of Barclays, the inspiration for the full-year earnings announcement was minimalism: 3,700 fewer employees, $2.6 billion in cut costs, and promises to reduce the size of what the Guardian called its “industrial scale” tax avoidance business. There was, however, an inevitable hangover from the the prior regime: a $1.6 billion loss in fiscal-year 2012. That came thanks to the $1.6 billion set aside to compensate clients for mis-selling derivatives and loan insurance.

Extolling the virtues of virtue appears to be key to the new identity. New CEO Anthony Jenkins described the results of a strategic review, which was sparked by Barclays role in the Libor-fixing scandal. Business units, Jenkins said, will be evaluated, in part, on “their strategic attractiveness, including their impact on Barclays reputation”.

In an echo of Deutsche Bank’s Strategy 2015+, Jenkins said that it would take until 2015 to fully implement this new vision, which includes the layoffs and cost cutting measures mentioned above, reducing risk-weighted assets, and also managing to somehow increase both dividends and Tier 1 capital at the same time. Moreover, all this will be done while maintaining current return on equity of 11.5%.

As Barclays adopts a new, more austere formality, it remains unclear if customers who previously came to the bank for its unique brand of actuarial insouciance will remain loyal to the brand. The FT points out that “at its peak, Barclays’ controversial tax structuring unit… contributed the bulk of the group’s investment banking revenue”. Management says it intends to fill the gaping hole in its revenues by expanding its global customer base and growing the wealth management business. That’s not going to be easy, but thus far, investors’ first impression have been positive: Barclays shares are at their highest level in almost two years. — Ben Walsh

On to today’s links:

Alpha
Your new landlord works on Wall Street – David Dayen

Nepotism
Thoroughly depressing data on how your last name can affect your income – Economist

Hope/Change/Etc.
“Obama is likely to promote the same goals for the country that he did in last year’s address” – Zachary Goldfarb

New Normal
The health care market may be slowly beginning to change for the better – Annie Lowrey

Wonks
The “most overlooked variable” in debt reduction? Economic growth – Jared Bernstein
Awesome graphic showing which countries the US trades with – Quartz
Ezra Klein has “fuck you traffic”, and some angst about being profiled by the New Republic – Julia Ioffe
Don’t do press – The Awl

Charts
Inverse correlation of the day: AOL vs Netflix subscribers – Dan Frommer

Facebook
Why I’m unfriending you on Facebook – Julia Angwin

Apple
“People buy cheap tablets as presents. When they are shopping for themselves, they tend to buy iPads.” – Business Insider

Overwrought Farewells
“Do not waste my death” – Telegraph

Be Afraid
Good morning! Everything is poison! – Young Australian Skeptics

Ouch
Esquire article wrongly claims SEAL who killed Bin Laden is denied healthcare – Megan McCloskey

COMMENT

That Business Insider piece is amazingly bad. They are arguing that Apple iPad profits will be coming under financial pressure as the iPad loses market share. That’s like arguing that there is no point in owning a Van Gogh because they have almost no market share in the painted wall hangings market. There isn’t an absolute number in the piece. if the market is growing, Apple can still increase profitability even if it does lose market share. Either someone failed 3rd grade math or is being deliberately ingenuous. I suspect the former.

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The social network you can’t opt out of

Felix Salmon
Feb 12, 2013 17:24 UTC

As befits a company backed by a Who’s Who of Wall Street names, Relationship Science has tapped Andrew Ross Sorkin as the vehicle of choice for its big public unveiling.

The idea behind RelSci is that if you’re one of the 2 million most important people in the business world, there’s a huge amount of public knowledge out there already regarding the people you know and are connected to. You don’t need to connect with them on Twitter or Facebook or LinkedIn; RelSci knows who you know anyway, just like IMDB knows who has appeared in a movie with Kevin Bacon.

What’s essentially happening here is that the network which connects us all — the true, real-world social network, which has existed as long as humanity — is now being mapped without our consent, and being sold back to masters of the universe for the low, low price of $3,000 a year. As Mark Zuckerberg will tell you, there’s enormous value in networks. And although RelSci can’t control the real world in the way that Zuckerberg controls Facebook, it has the advantage that it includes the most powerful and important people you could ever want to get in touch with, from Lloyd Blankfein to the president of the United States.

Of course, there are no guarantees here. I’m friends with Ezra Klein on Twitter (or whatever it’s called when two people follow each other) — I’m sure that’s in the RelSci database. And Ezra, as Julia Ioffe says today, talks to the president: that’s public too. So does that mean I’m just one degree of separation from the president? Not really. I’d never ask Ezra to tell the president anything on my behalf, and if I did ask, he’d say no.

But for some relationships, RelSci could be very effective. Once you get to friends of friends of friends — two degrees of separation or more — I think it’s pretty useless. But friends of colleagues? That can be very powerful. If I’m a relationship banker, say, and I want to sit down with a CEO, I need someone to effect an introduction, and it’s possible — probable, even — that I’m quite unaware how many of my friends are directly connected to that CEO. Alternatively, if I’m in the midst of fraught deal negotiations, and talks are breaking down, RelSci could be invaluable in finding someone who’s close to, and trusted by, the principals on both sides of the table.

RelSci is initially targeting its product at Wall Street and the nonprofit sector, which has long spent enormous amounts of time and effort putting together detailed dossiers on potential donors and the people who might be able to influence them. But I suspect that DC lobbyists are going to be lining up to subscribe, if only for the way that RelSci might be able to turbocharge their opposition research. “Privacy by obscurity” isn’t working for Julia Angwin any more on Facebook, and it’s not going to work for politicians and business leaders in real life much longer, either. It used to be that our web of personal connections was known only to ourselves; those days are over, whether we like it or not.

My guess is that RelSci won’t last as an independent company for long: it will probably be acquired, with Facebook, LinkedIn, and Bloomberg at the top of the list of possible buyers. My own employer, too, might be interested: we already have a product called Westlaw PeopleMap which is not dissimilar. If Google buys RelSci, it might even open up the entire database to the world for free. But even if it doesn’t, it’s clear that we’re still at the early days of drawing real-world connections between real-world people. Over time, the RelSci network, or the companies which try to copy it, will get bigger, and the price of accessing it is likely to fall to zero surprisingly quickly.

Which means that even if you unfriend everybody on Facebook, and you never join Twitter, and you don’t have a LinkedIn profile or an About.me page or much else in the way of online presence, you’re still going to end up being mapped and charted and slotted in to your rightful place in the global social network that is life. People are going to make money from your social connections whether you like it or not. Unfortunately, it seems that in the first instance, those people are going to have names like Henry Kravis, Ron Perelman, and Ken Langone.

COMMENT

I think you’re using degrees-of-separation wrong. If you are connected to somebody, they are a first-degree connection. So above, you should be saying that Ezra makes you TWO degrees from the President, not one.

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Why Apple should ignore its shareholders

Felix Salmon
Feb 12, 2013 00:30 UTC

Allan Sloan neatly divides the world of Apple obsessives into two types of people:

For most people, Apple mania means buying the company’s products and playing with them. But for us financial voyeur types, the fun comes from watching the lunatic lurching of Apple’s stock price.

Financial journalists love any stock doing the lunatic-lurching thing, because that creates an easy heroes-and-villains story. Were you bearish at the top? You’re a genius! Were you bullish throughout the fall? You’re a goat!

James Stewart has a classic example of the genre this weekend, putting on his straightest face and contriving to be shocked — shocked! — that Wall Street was bullish on Apple stock during its recent decline:

Fifty of 57 analysts rated it a buy or strong buy; only two rated it a sell. Apple shares continued their plunge, and this week were trading at just over $450, down 36 percent from their peak.

How could professional analysts have gotten it so wrong?

It wasn’t supposed to be this way.

This is very, very silly: the clear implication here is that the analysts following Apple should have seen the fall coming. But you can’t time an individual stock like that: no one can. Especially when there was nothing — no thing — which caused the stock to fall. Apple stock was going up, and then it was going down. That happens with stocks: they’re volatile things. But you can’t expect anybody, no matter what their job is, to be able to anticipate all those fluctuations.

Instead, analysts generally do something else. At heart, they’re fundamental analysts: they look at a company’s numbers, and decide how much they think the company should be worth, given its revenue and profitability and prospects. Even at its peak, Apple was trading at pretty low multiples — and on top of that, it had a lot of upwards momentum. So it makes perfect sense that most analysts had “buy” ratings on the stock, with price targets somewhere north of $700. And given that nothing fundamental changed in the past few months, it would be weird for one of those analysts to suddenly slap a “sell” rating on the stock just because the ratios are becoming even more attractive as the stock gets cheaper.

With any stock, there’s always a bear case, and Stewart lionizes the one bearish analyst he managed to find, Carlo Besenius of Creative Global Investments. But even with hindsight, Besenius’s bear case doesn’t seem particularly compelling, based as it was on squishy things like “concerns about product quality and innovation”. You can always have “concerns about product quality and innovation”, and you can always be uncomfortable with “Apple’s arrogance”. But those concerns would have left you out of one of the greatest bull runs that the stock market has ever seen, over the past decade or so.

Similarly, Bethany McLean’s case for Apple being a $200 stock doesn’t actually include any ratios, or any calculation which comes to that number. Instead, she simply asserts that “built into Wall Street’s stock price targets was the expectation that the iPhone would rule the world” — and that therefore any future world which isn’t dominated by the iPhone must have Apple trading at a much lower level than those price targets.

The problem with this argument, of course, is that it’s far from clear that the price targets did incorporate global domination. It’s entirely possible that she’s right, of course, along with other bears like Jeff Gundlach, whose big Apple short last spring looked horrible for a while but now looks much smarter. But at heart, the bear case on Apple is one based on gut feeling: that the company has had its day, that its greatest glories are behind it, and that Tim Cook is not going to be able to continue Steve Jobs’s string of astonishing successes. It’s a perfectly reasonable gut feeling to have. But it won’t tell you when Apple stock is going to drop, and it won’t give you a level at which to exit your position. (McLean’s arguments, for instance, could be used to justify a $100 target, or a $200 target, or a $400 target.)

Meanwhile, the highest-profile Apple bull right now, David Einhorn, is arguably even worse than the bears. He has loads of clever ideas in the realm of financial engineering, whereby the issuance of new classes of stock would efficiently funnel money to shareholders like himself and thereby make them happy. It’s the kind of Clever Idea that activist hedge-fund managers like Einhorn and Bill Ackman often have, but it’s fundamentally a distraction in terms of Apple’s core job, which is to make insanely great products. Basically, everybody knows nothing, when it comes to the famously-secretive Apple, and it would be crazy for someone like Tim Cook to pay much attention to such ignoramuses.

Apple did spectacularly well, for most of the past 10 years, ignoring shareholders completely; at one of its competitors, Michael Dell is so sick of them he wants to buy them out and make them go away entirely. If Einhorn got his way, there might be a short-term boost in the stock, Einhorn would take his profits, the people who invest in Einhorn’s funds would make money — and Apple would in no way be better positioned for the future than it is today.

The day that Apple starts embarking on elaborate financial engineering in order to placate hedge-fund investors is the day that it loses sight of its core mission and starts turning into a mess like Hewlett-Packard, constantly trying to “deliver shareholder value”, whatever that might mean. When Tim Cook became CEO, he was given a restricted stock grant of 1 million shares, which don’t fully vest until 2021. The point was to keep him focused on a time horizon much longer than anything David Einhorn might be thinking about, and the message was that he shouldn’t worry about the stock price fluctuating up one month and down the next: so long as he builds an excellent permanent franchise, he will end up hugely wealthy. Apple listened to shareholders before, when it fired Steve Jobs and brought in John Sculley. It won’t make that mistake again.

Therefore, to use Sloan’s distinction, Cook rightly belongs with those of us who are interested mostly in buying the company’s products and playing with them, rather than those of us glued to the gyrations in the corporate share price. Let Wall Street worry about the Apple share price: very little harm is done to the company if it’s low, and Apple is so incredibly profitable that it has zero need for Wall Street or any kind of outside investment.

Apple shares are an interesting speculative vehicle, in which a lot of money can be made and lost. But they don’t help shape the fortunes of Apple itself — not any more. A close reading of the stock price might tell you something about herd mentality among mutual-fund managers, and the problems of being so big that people feel forced to buy your stock. But the share price has never been particularly useful in terms of being able to predict what’s going to happen next to Apple the company. Let New Yorkers worry about the stock: in Cupertino, they have much more important things to do.

COMMENT

“So, what is the point of owning stock again?
No claim on current profit, no claim on retained earnings.
Is the hope that you find a sucker or sell before management does actually crater value?”

Didn’t some economist win the Nobel prize for explaining this? Was it Modigliani? It’s all beyond me.

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Counterparties: Struggling with Enormous Conflicts

Ben Walsh
Feb 11, 2013 23:09 UTC

Welcome to the Counterparties email. The sign-up page is here, it’s just a matter of checking a box if you’re already registered on the Reuters website. Send suggestions, story tips and complaints to Counterparties.Reuters@gmail.com.

Sometimes it takes a 59-page, 274-footnote study to confirm the obvious. The endless revolving door between the SEC and Wall Street makes it harder for the SEC to police companies, according to a new report from the Project on Government Oversight, which details just how many former SEC employees go on to get jobs defending clients against the agency:

From 2001 through 2010, 419 former SEC employees filed at least 1,949 disclosure statements saying they planned to represent clients or new employers in matters pending at the SEC. One former official filed 46.

The report points to the failure of money market regulation as a case study of how industry influences the SEC. Much of the blame has been put on SEC Commissioner Luis Aguilar, who is a former executive at the money manager Invesco. For what it’s worth, Aguilar appeared to soften his stance a week prior to Mary Schapiro’s departure. While the report highlights his role, it also notes that former SEC officials, including Karrie McMillan, who ran the agency’s investment management division, are now working for money market fund managers.

The SEC’s conflict problem, as the WSJ reported last week, is baked-in: commissioners must recuse themselves from cases related to previous employers or clients. Not only must a majority of the agency’s five commissioners approve enforcement cases, but a quorum of three commissioners (right now there are only four) is required for any case to move forward. Commissioners are restricted from voting on cases involving past employers or clients.

The nominee to be the new head of the SEC, Mary Jo White, in many ways personifies these criticisms. Matt Taibbi finds what he believes is evidence of White’s conflicts in a 2007 deposition, where she said that a regulator’s desire to bring cases is a “positive thing… to a point”.

And Andrew Ross Sorkin examined White’s previous legal defending JP Morgan, Bank of America, former Senator Bill Frist (then accused of insider trading), and former-Morgan Stanley CEO John Mack. And that’s just the financial clients. There’s also a whole suite of international corporations on White’s client roster, as the FT’s Shahien Nasiripour writes. Given her list of former clients, White may limit the number of cases she greenlights simply by following her agency’s own rules; Sorkin concludes that “White’s previous engagements create not only an ‘optics’ problem, but a practical, on-the-job problem”.  – Ben Walsh

On to today’s links:

Big Brother Inc.
Raytheon is building a “Google for spies” that can track your social media behavior – Guardian

TBTF
“Can anyone honestly risk manage $2 trillion in complex investments?” – Scientific American

New Normal
The near-impossibility of working and paying your own way through college - James Stewart

Popular Myths
So-called “big data” brings “cherry-picking to an industrial level” – Nassim Taleb

Sayonara Stagnation
Japan’s economic minister targets a seven-week, 17% stock market surge - Business Insider
“Amari’s announcement is a canny way of anchoring expectations” - Felix

Apple
Apple is experimenting with “wristwatch-like devices made of curved glass” – Nick Bilton
The only analyst to come close to calling Apple’s peak owns his own firm and gets paid for accuracy - NYT

Alpha
Where are the customers’ yachts? Private equity edition – Matt Yglesias
Dell’s largest shareholder may oppose plan to take the company private – NYT
Art Cashin on the economic and geopolitical implications of the Chinese zodiac – Business Insider

Sad
The man who killed Osama Bin Laden isn’t sure how he’s “going to feed his wife and kids or pay for their medical care” – Esquire

Possibly Useless Data
60% of surveyed vegetarians have consumed meat in the past 24 hours – Psychology Today

Terse Rebuttals
“Today’s young people will be tomorrow’s old people” – Matt Yglesias

Reductions
The new Barclays is less Barclays – FT

Risk Management
Excel is no way “to run a bank—let alone a global financial system” - James Kwak

Confrontations
An inane mini-spat between Taleb and TED – Epicurean Dealmaker

Wonks
If oil production is booming, why aren’t gas prices coming down? – Econobrowser

TBTF
The latest fan of breaking up big banks: George Will – WaPo

Wonks
Krugman swats away an economic straw man – NYT

Cognitive Dissonance
“It is startling to realize some of our most cherished memories may never have happened” – Oliver Sacks

When the finance minister targets stock prices

Felix Salmon
Feb 11, 2013 15:55 UTC

Japan’s economy has been far too stagnant for far too long: everybody can agree on that. The aging population, now used to deflation, prefers saving to spending — an entirely reasonable stance if prices will be lower tomorrow than they are today. So the government has long been facing a very tough task: to change the psychology of a nation, basically. You can’t do that — as Japan learned the hard way — with old-fashioned public-works spending. Instead, you have to target expectations.

The Bank of Japan started on this road last month, formally adopting a 2% inflation target. That was the BoJ’s way of saying “start spending now, because your yen won’t be worth as much tomorrow as they are today”. And now the finance minister is doing his part to get the party started as well, in a highly unorthodox manner. In a speech on Saturday, he said that he wants to see the Japanese stock market rise 17% to 13,000 by the end of March.

It was a national holiday in Japan today, so the stock market was closed, but we’ll see tomorrow what effect Amari-san’s words will have: my guess is that they’ll give the market a pretty impressive boost. That’s certainly the intention. The Japanese stock market has been on fire of late, rising more than 30% since mid-November. The clear risk is that the rally will lose steam, and that people will start taking profits; the finance minister, with his speech, is basically trying to extend the rally as much as possible.

There’s no particular reason why the Nikkei shouldn’t continue to rise through the end of March, even reaching 13,000. Momentum is a powerful force, in the stock market, which is why central banks know that FX intervention is much more likely to work if you’re acting broadly with the market rather than broadly against it. Amari’s announcement is a canny way of anchoring expectations: the Nikkei might reach 13,000, or it might not, but for the next few weeks at least the perennial stock-market question is going to be reframed. Rather than “how far are we from where we closed yesterday”, it’s going to be “how far are we from 13,000″. The idea is that with stocks, just like with cars, you generally drive in the direction you’re looking.

I like this move: it shows imagination, and the upside is much bigger than the downside. The worst that can happen is that it doesn’t work, and the stock market ends up doing what the stock market would have done anyway; the best that can happen is that it helps accelerate the broad recovery that everybody in Japan is hoping for this year.

What’s more, Amari is not the first policymaker to talk about targeting asset prices. Minneapolis Fed president Narayana Kocherlakota, for instance, said quite clearly in 2011 that stock prices “are really going to be a central ingredient in the recovery process”, adding:

In this kind of post financial crisis, post net worth driven recession, it makes sense to be thinking about asset value as a way to try to generate more stimulus than you do in a typical recession.

In other words, don’t look to government spending for stimulus: Japan, of course, has learned that lesson the hard way. Instead, simply goose the stock market instead.

There are risks to this approach: if it works too well, you create a bubble — and when a bubble bursts, that can hurt confidence much more than a rising stock market helped it. But for the time being, the Japanese stock market still looks cheap, both on an absolute basis and in terms of its p/e ratio. Now’s no time to worry about overheating. Instead, Japan’s fiscal and monetary policymakers are working together to try to make the country as bullish and successful as possible. I’d do the same thing, if I were them.

(h/t BI)

COMMENT

The (oft-repeated) view in the first paragraph is based on a dated view of Japanese households that is no longer accurate.

Japan’s household savings rate has fallen steadily from from well over 10% of disposable income in the mid-1990s down to around 2-3% of disposable income for the past several years.

http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/sites/factb ook-2011-en/03/02/03/03-02-03-g1.html?co ntentType=&itemId=/content/chapter/factb ook-2011-22-en&containerItemId=/content/ serial/18147364&accessItemIds=&mimeType= text/html

and

http://www.gfmag.com/tools/global-databa se/economic-data/12065-household-saving- rates.html#axzz2KcPoI59k

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Why the quants won’t take over Hollywood

Felix Salmon
Feb 9, 2013 07:50 UTC

Andrew Leonard has a very odd column about Netflix and House of Cards, under the headline “How Netflix is turning viewers into puppets”. Netflix, you see, has lots of data, and it used that data in the commissioning process for the series:

Netflix’s data indicated that the same subscribers who loved the original BBC production also gobbled down movies starring Kevin Spacey or directed by David Fincher. Therefore, concluded Netflix executives, a remake of the BBC drama with Spacey and Fincher attached was a no-brainer, to the point that the company committed $100 million for two 13-episode seasons.

It should go without saying, of course, that dropping $100 million on a 26-episode remake of a great TV show is never a no-brainer. For one thing, for all that the original series is extremely good, it was also very timely, coming as it did at the end of Margaret Thatcher’s transformation of the Prime Minister’s office into something much more powerful and Presidential than the UK had ever seen. The BBC series tapped into Britain’s fear of the possible implications of that power, as well as the fact that Richard III and Macbeth are deeply rooted in the national psyche.

More generally, remakes are inherently dangerous things: what producers think of as a “proven formula” more often turns out to have been a unique and inimitable confluence of creative electricity. And it goes without saying that the better the original was, the less likely it is that the remake will surpass it.

But Leonard doesn’t see any of those risks, he just sees science, quoting a Netflix flack waxing implausibly about how the company is “able with a high degree of confidence to understand how big a likely audience is for a given show based on people’s viewing habits”. And then Leonard takes that PR fluff and turns it into a lesson about the fearsome implications of Big Data:

The companies that figure out how to generate intelligence from that data will know more about us than we know ourselves, and will be able to craft techniques that push us toward where they want us to go, rather than where we would go by ourselves if left to our own devices. I’m guessing this will be good for Netflix’s bottom line, but at what point do we go from being happy subscribers, to mindless puppets?

We’re never left to our own devices, of course: billions of dollars’ worth of marketing, programming, and other expenses are designed precisely to make us watch this rather than that. But at the same time, we humans somehow stubbornly refuse to become mindless puppets, and our tastes tend to evolve in wonderfully unpredictable ways.

One example of this is Netflix’s own first foray into production, Lilyhammer, which turned no one into puppets mainly because no one actually saw it. But the best example isn’t Netflix at all, but rather Relativity Media. If you think that Leonard is overly credulous about the power of Netflix’s Big Data, wait until you see Chris Jones, profiling Relativity’s Ryan Kavanaugh in 2009. He opens with Ron Howard cooling his heels in Kavanaugh’s waiting room, and then explains just what it is that gives Kavanaugh the power to keep the Hollywood A-list waiting like that:

Before Relativity commits to financing a particular movie — either through its slate deals with Sony and Universal or on its own — it’s fed into an elaborate Monte Carlo simulation, a risk-assessment algorithm normally used to evaluate financial instruments based on the past performance of similar products. Enough variables are included in the Monte Carlo for Wilson and his team to have reached the limits of their Excel’s sixty-five thousand rows of data: principal actor, director, genre, budget, release date, rating, and so on. After running the movie through ten thousand combinations of variables (in marathon overnight sessions), the computers will churn out a few hundred pages that culminate in two critical numbers: the percentage of time the movie will be profitable, and the average profit for each profitable run.

In fact, of course, what gave Kavanaugh all that power is exactly the same thing that gives any other Hollywood producer power: ready cash. In Kavanaugh’s case, the money came from Elliott Associates, the New York hedge fund. Which expected to get hedge-fund-like returns from its investment in Relativity, and instead lost money.

For some reason, there seems to be a huge amount of appetite for anybody saying that Netflix is being incredibly clever here. Rebecca Greenfield’s column desperately trying to work out how spending $100 million on this series could possibly make sense has now racked up more than 100,000 views. But the base case scenario for Netflix is exactly the same as the base case scenario for any other rich outsider walking into the shark tank that is Hollywood. Stars like Kevin Spacey and David Fincher will happily take Netflix’s money for however long Netflix is willing to spend it — as will the studios charging Netflix top dollar for the rights to stream their back catalogues. It’s a lovely new revenue stream for the industry, but it doesn’t mean that Netflix knows what it’s doing.

The truth of Hollywood is no mystery: as William Goldman famously said, nobody knows anything. Sometimes, people have hot streaks, and when that happens, David Carr will write a gushing column about what might be called the anti-Netflix approach: ignore the numbers and the heuristics, and just go out there and take creative risks. And in general, the biggest rewards always accrue to the properties which came from nowhere, doing something startling and new. Conversely, formulas only work until they don’t, and the problem with the Relativity approach is that it’s pretty much guaranteed to hit that inevitable failure, if it keeps on churning out formulaic movies.

With hindsight, the biggest risk that Netflix took with House of Cards was not getting Andrew Davies to write it. Stars and directors are all well and good, but if you’re aspiring to the highbrow, as Netflix is with this series, you need great writing first and foremost. The BBC series, written by Davies, was some of the best-written television ever, at the time; it was The Wire of its day. The remake, by contrast, has cringe-inducingly bad writing, from which the best acting and directing in the world could never recover. (Not that a great writer guarantees anything: even the incomparable William Goldman had more than his fair share of flops.)

In order to realize that a script isn’t up to snuff and needs to be comprehensively rewritten, you need a producer with more than just a Monte Carlo simulation: you need someone who can not only hire talent but can fire it as well. And in order to create the kind of television which will resonate and become a cultural touchstone, you need an impossible-to-formulate cocktail of creativity, inspiration, teamwork, and luck. The House of Cards remake is perfectly good, but it’s not that good. And, in turn, that’s why we, the viewing public, will never be puppets, dangling on the end of some TV quant’s strings. TV’s quants are clever, to be sure. But clever is easy to come by in Hollywood. And it’s never been remotely sufficient for success.

COMMENT

These people should really read Art De Vany’s Hollywood Economics – the algorithims are a complete waste of money – the statistics of Hollywood are too wild for models.

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Counterparties: When two mandates aren’t enough

Feb 8, 2013 21:55 UTC

Welcome to the Counterparties email. The sign-up page is here, it’s just a matter of checking a box if you’re already registered on the Reuters website. Send suggestions, story tips and complaints to Counterparties.Reuters@gmail.com.

Should the Fed try to use interest rates to control not just inflation and unemployment, but financial markets too?

In a speech earlier this week, Fed governor Jeremy Stein pushed for the Fed to change the way it approaches overheated markets, arguing that the Fed should consider raising interest rates to prevent financial bubbles. Along the way, Stein warned that the market for junk bonds and REITs might be overheating.

Stein is honest about limitations of the Fed’s bubble-spotting abilities: “We should be humble,” he says, “about our ability to see the whole picture”. What’s more, even when Fed members do warn of possible bubbles, the Fed has been generally terrible at stopping them.

As Neil Irwin points out, the Fed has generally been opposed to avoid raising interest rates to stop bubbles, on the grounds that doing so is “the equivalent of fumigating an entire house after finding a small patch of mold”. Or, as Ben Bernanke said, surveying the economic consensus in 2011, “monetary policy is too blunt a tool to be routinely used to address possible financial imbalances”. Much better than raising rates, Bernanke said, is to use the Fed’s regulatory powers instead.

But Stein sees an advantage in using interest rates rather than regulatory brute force. Raising rates, to Stein, is a way to get past what the Fed doesn’t know and into “all of the cracks” of the financial world. What the Fed doesn’t know extends beyond the banks that the Fed regulates, and to the shadow banking system too:

In principle, what we’d really like to know, for any given asset class–be it subprime mortgages, junk bonds, or leveraged loans–is this: What fraction of it is ultimately financed by short-term demandable claims held by investors who are likely to pull back quickly when things start to go bad?

Mark Thoma worries about the broader effects of higher rates, however. “If monetary policymakers begin getting skittish, then the unemployed will lose the one institution that seemed to actually care about their struggles”. Ryan Avent agrees: “There are worse things than overheating credit markets, and America has them.”

And Scott Sumner wonders if Stein knows his history. In the late 1920s, the Fed tried to kill a stock market boom by repeatedly raising interest rates. Those interest rates helped push the economy into a Depression: “Only when the Fed caused the economy to tank did the stock ‘bubble’ finally burst,” Sumner notes. — Ryan McCarthy

On to today’s links:

Billionaire Whimsy
Bloomberg owns a sacrificial Roman altar – NYT

Alpha
Henry Blodget and David Einhorn disagree about the theoretical value of money – Business Insider

Right On
Schiller: housing is “not really an investment” – Pragmatic Capitalism

Crisis Retro
Justice Department: oh, right, Moody’s — we might sue them too – Reuters

Wonks
“The tyranny of political economy” — a must-read essay – Dani Rodrik

When Regulators Stop Being Polite
Bundesbank says banker pay must be capped – Bundesbank

New Normal
The sad rise of self-employment in the UK – Coppola Comment
North Carolina residents discover that they don’t own the ground beneath them – Hallie Seegal

Comebacks
Vikram Pandit and Bob Diamond might soon be “shadow bankers” (i.e. run a PE firm or hedge fund) - NY Post

Yuck
The livestock industry consumes four-fifths of America’s antibiotics – Mother Jones

Liebor
How Libor fixing “morphed from coveted asset to liability” in the arc of one career – WSJ

Leaders
Howard Buffett has spent his whole life drinking Cherry Coke and learning to play the ukulele – Bloomberg

TBTF
Bob Rubin is not impressed by Sandy Weill – American Banker

Hot Money
“About $3 billion is wagered on sports every day, most of it on soccer, most of it in Asia” – Brian Phillips

Counterparties: How do you value $137 billion?

Feb 7, 2013 23:13 UTC

Welcome to the Counterparties email. The sign-up page is here, it’s just a matter of checking a box if you’re already registered on the Reuters website. Send suggestions, story tips and complaints to Counterparties.Reuters@gmail.com.

What do you do with $137 billion? That’s actually a serious question. David Einhorn is technically suing Apple over its voting rules — here’s the full complaint — but his real target is its ungodly cash hoard. What he ultimately wants is simple: Apple’s money. (His hedge fund owns more than $590 million in Apple shares.)

Apple’s long been criticized for sitting on its money. Its cash pile, the WSJ notes, is bigger than the market cap of all but 17 companies in the S&P 500. Apple announced a dividend plan last year, but Einhorn’s not satisfied. He’s been making the media rounds today, finding an upside to Steve Jobs’ death and comparing the company that invented the iPhone and iPad to a timid old lady. Here he is on CNBC:

People who’ve gone through traumas… they sometimes feel like they can never have enough cash. I remember my Grandma… she was a Depression-era woman from her childhood, and she wouldn’t even leave me a message on my answering machine because she didn’t want to get charged for the phone call.

To Einhorn, Apple is badly undervalued and he just wants to help “unlock the value” of Apple’s balance sheet, which is a hedge fund-y euphemism for “pay me”. To do this, he wants Apple to issue a new class of “high-yielding, tax efficient preferred stock to existing shareholders at no cost” that pays 4% per year (Apple’s common stock would still exist and trade separately). According to Einhorn, the new shares would let Apple keep most of its cash hoard, and would boost its stock price by attracting “more value-oriented investors” — like, presumably, himself.

Why isn’t Einhorn angling for Apple to do something more traditional like boost its dividend or buy back shares? The WSJ spoke to James Angel, a Georgetown professor, who said it may boil down to taxes. Apple would likely take a big tax hit if it had to bring back its estimated $120 billion in overseas cash back to the states through a dividend or buyback; in fact, Einhorn mentions this in his filings. Create a new class of stock, avoid new taxes, and pay shareholders. Presto chango, $30 billion in value created!

Henry Blodget called all of this “financial engineering” and then something amazing happened: he and Einhorn got into an email debate over the theoretical value of money. Einhorn thinks the market is undervaluing Apple’s cash pile and that it should be getting a better return than, say, the 0.77% it earned in fiscal 2011. To Einhorn, Apple’s value should be based on how much all of that cash should be earning.

To Blodget, cash is cash: “Apple is the single-most-scrutinized public company in the world, and I think the market is, in aggregate, very much aware of how much cash Apple has”. He also wondered why wouldn’t every company simply introduce a preferred/common stock structure and boost its value? Jim Cramer wasn’t as clear about Einhorn’s plan: “What the heck is he talking about?”. Ironically, Cramer was the one who sounded like the voice of reason on Apple’s future: “I want growth, I’m sorry, I’m a traditional investor.” — Ryan McCarthy

On to today’s links:

Right On
“And now let us praise, and consider the absurd luck of famous men” – Alexis Madrigal

China
Chinese accounting scandals are so simple they’re almost brilliant – Quartz

Ouch
So God made a banker – MarketWatch

JPMorgan
Lawsuit docs say JPMorgan ignored quality controls on mortgages (just like everyone else) – Dealbook

Takedowns
The latest attempt defend TBTF “is not credible and should not be taken seriously” – Simon Johnson

Popular Myths
While CEOs complained about ‘uncertainty’, hiring, capital spending, and sales rose – Caroline Baum
The day the uncertainty myth died – Joe Weisenthal

Wonks
The .03% solution to raise $350 billion in ten years – Jesse Eisinger
We’ve badly underestimated just how helpful fiscal policy can be - Econobrowser
Great, we’re not in a “post-growth” world – Ashok Mody

Euphemisms
“Long European vacation” – Gothamist

Self-Awareness
White dude declares racism over in tech – Nitasha Tiku

Sad
“Some people go to school to learn… I went to get a job” – Kevin Roose

Alpha
“Around half of surveyed investors weren’t even aware the market had gone up each year post-crisis” – Business Insider

Compelling
The environmental benefits of working fewer hours – Matt Yglesias

COMMENT

Gee, I’ve been predicting a leveraged buy out of Apple for over a year now. I think Apple will defend itself this time, but the opportunity to liquidate the company is too great. I’m expecting a serious buy out offer funded by Apple cash flow and its cash hoard. Minority share holders will be shafted in due course.

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How does Tim Geithner change his mind?

Felix Salmon
Feb 7, 2013 16:37 UTC

For me, the most interesting part of Liaquat Ahamed’s Tim Geithner exit interview is this bit:

LA: You spent thirty years working on economic statecraft both internationally and domestically. You’ve been involved in just about every major financial crisis of this era, starting with Japan, the Asian crisis, Mexico, 2008, now the euro crisis. Each one seems to be worse than the other. What lessons have you learned from dealing with all these crises? You alluded earlier to the idea of taking political costs upfront. Can you amplify on that?

TG: Well, they’re all different in their contours and causes. But they usually have this common feature, which is a huge increase in leverage in the financial system. When the shock hits or the tide turns, as people bring their borrowings down, it puts enormous pressure on the economy as a whole. These things tend to reinforce each other, amplify each other. The financial deleveraging feeds on the economic weakness, the economic weakness forces more financial deleveraging, and you have this vicious spiral.

And I think what we have all learned from history, mostly from mistakes that we and others have made is that confronted with that, you need to apply a lot of force, with a lot of speed across the full spectrum of the policy tools we have. Which means monetary policy has to be very aggressive. You need to make sure that fiscal policies are very supportive of growth so you’re compensating for the huge collapse in private sector demand. And you need to be incredibly aggressive in making sure that you recapitalize the financial system. If you do those things incrementally, where you do one but not all three, then you’ll be left with much more damage. You have to do all of them. None of them is effective individually.

That line about the “mistakes that we and others have made” is about as close to an apology as we’ve seen from Tim Geithner, for anything that he’s done. It doesn’t go nearly far enough, of course. As the president of the New York Fed from 2003 to 2009, he sat on the FOMC, happily signing off on Alan Greenspan’s bubble-inflating policies, and also ran the most important of the many institutions charged with regulating American banks and reining them in when they got too ebullient. Clearly he did badly in both respects.

But the most obvious case in which Geithner has done a complete U-turn from his former views is that of Indonesia. The great Australian financial journalist Peter Hartcher explained this very well back in 2009, when Geithner took over as Treasury secretary. He quoted former Australian president Paul Keating explaining in a nutshell exactly what Geithner did wrong: “Tim Geithner was the Treasury line officer who wrote the IMF program for Indonesia in 1997-98, which was to apply current account solutions to a capital account crisis.” With hindsight, Geithner did the exact opposite of what he is now prescribing in the event of a crisis:

Geithner fundamentally misdiagnosed the problem. And his misdiagnosis led to a dreadfully wrong prescription.

Geithner thought Asia’s problem was the same as the ones that had shattered Latin America in the 1980s and Mexico in 1994, a classic current account crisis. In this kind of crisis, the central cause is that the government has run impossibly big debts.

The solution? The IMF, the Washington-based emergency lender of last resort, will make loans to keep the country solvent, but on condition the government hacks back its spending. The cure addresses the ailment.

But the Asian crisis was completely different. The Asian governments that went to the IMF for emergency loans – Thailand, South Korea and Indonesia – all had sound public finances.

The problem was not government debt. It was great tsunamis of hot money in the private capital markets. When the wave rushed out, it left a credit drought behind.

But Geithner, through his influence on the IMF, imposed the same cure the IMF had imposed on Latin America and Mexico. It was the wrong cure. Indeed, it only aggravated the problem.

Keating continued: “Soeharto’s government delivered 21 years of 7 per cent compound growth. It takes a gigantic fool to mess that up. But the IMF messed it up. The end result was the biggest fall in GDP in the 20th century.”

Indonesia in 1998 had a problem not dissimilar to what we saw in the US 20 years later: a sudden credit crunch afflicting a country whose government finances were fundamentally sound. Geithner’s solution, now, is for the government to “be very aggressive” spending money, and for the central bank to provide its own monetary support, all in the service of “compensating for the huge collapse in private sector demand”. But that’s not what he thought in 1998, when he forced the Indonesian government to cut spending and raise interest rates — precipitating a recession much larger than anything the US saw during the financial crisis.

Now that Geithner is going to write a book, I very much hope he goes as far back as Indonesia, and covers his two-year tenure at the IMF as well, rather than glossing over those episodes on the way to the juicy stuff about the more recent crisis. For one thing, it will be fascinating to see when and how his mind changed on such issues. And for another thing, it’s conceivable that the book might shed light on the how this consummate career government technocrat thinks — and thereby shed light on much of the system of global governance.

For Geithner has always stood foursquare in the center of economic orthodoxy, wherever it might be at the time. He’s no bomb-thrower, and will never think of himself as someone who speaks truth to power, in the way that the likes of Sheila Bair and Neil Barofsky do. Rather, he epitomizes power: yesterday, for instance, he rejoined the Council on Foreign Relations, the American perma-Davos on Park Avenue, where the great and the good mingle self-importantly and (mostly) in smug and well-cushioned secrecy. There he will work closely with (and was probably recruited by) Bob Rubin, setting up Advisory Committees and Workshops and Independent Task Forces and Plenary Sessions and Invitation-Only Roundtables, all the while mingling with the bankers and policymakers and politicians who might delude themselves that they’re working for the greater good, but who are convinced that the rest of us just couldn’t handle being exposed to what goes on behind the CFR’s expensively-paneled doors.

Geithner’s book would never be so indiscreet as to reveal what happens at meetings of, say, the Group of 30, which he joined in 2006. But if I have any hope for it, it’s that we’ll somehow be able to read between the lines to understand just how the international technocratic consensus reshapes itself over time, even as its practitioners remain certain, at any given time, that they’re advocating the clear best course of action. Geithner — just like his mentors Rubin and Summers — is not a man given to much self-doubt, except perhaps when it comes to his political skills on Capitol Hill. He’s a thoughtful and intelligent man, but at the same time he seems never to worry very much about the unavoidable uncertainties inherent in all economic policymaking. Given how spectacularly wrong he was in Indonesia, I’ll hold out just one hope for Geithner’s book: that it might explain how his ilk exhibit the pre-eminent skill of global technocrats — the way that they can hold two diametrically opposed views at two different times, without ever even realizing that they’ve changed their mind.

COMMENT

Hello Felix. At the time of the Indonesian crisis, there were severe critics of the IMF policy, people such as William Greider. They saw the IMF’s tactics as simply a way to bail out large global investors who inflated that bubble of hot money Hartcher discusses. The suits would have lost their shirts without that bailout, one that was done right on the backs of the Indonesian people.

To me the key quote from Geithner is this one:

“The financial deleveraging feeds on the economic weakness, the economic weakness forces more financial deleveraging, and you have this vicious spiral.”

I simply don’t believe that Geithner didn’t understand what would happen once that bailout was put in place. More money leaving even faster given the promised tap into the Indonesian economy? That’s a no-brainer.

This also gives us insight into the current situation I believe. The largest banks have been stood up once again, after having fallen victim to the self-inflicted wounds of a globe-girdling bubble they were completely responsible for feeding.

But an enormous economic hole was created directly through the TARP – money pumped into the economy so that the bankers would have someone left to do business with if and when they did revive – and indirectly through the lost tax revenue from a business cycle that nearly collapsed, and the resulting loss of eight million jobs.

How to fill that hole? Why on the backs of the people, of course. Same endgame. That’s even as the economy gradually revives promising more revenue to strapped governments.

I’ve been sure to tell friends that, while I wasn’t around for the great depression, I did make this one. I’m not going to forget the greed, arrogance or stupidity of the gals and guys who like to see themselves as the smartest people in the room. Moreover, they are out of their league at this point. The international financial marketplace having become one exquisitely convoluted dynamical system with lots of feedback. They can’t predict the next collapse, even as they will completely entagled in it. No one can. These systems don’t work that way.

The sooner they are pushed aside and the levers of regulation once again brought to bear, the better. We won’t make the next round without that.

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Counterparties: The devil’s in the emails

Ben Walsh
Feb 6, 2013 22:49 UTC

Welcome to the Counterparties email. The sign-up page is here, it’s just a matter of checking a box if you’re already registered on the Reuters website. Send suggestions, story tips and complaints to Counterparties.Reuters@gmail.com.

There’s a certain inevitability to RBS’s $612 million Libor-rigging settlement and the Justice Department’s civil charges against S&P for faulty ratings. Like at Barclays, Goldman Sachs, Standard Chartered, and UBS, RBS and S&P’s scandals come complete with how-could-they-put-that-in-writing electronic communications.

RBS’s contributions to this now-venerable tradition come courtesy of the CFTC and FSA, and are wrapped up nicely by Dealbook and FT Alphaville. One trader asked that the rate set be at a certain level by writing to the submitter that “if u did that i would come over there and make love to you”. Another said  “its just amazing how libor fixing can make you that much money”. Believing that the US dollar Libor was being watched by the Fed, a Yen trader said “dun think anyone cares the JPY Libor”. Scattered throughout is the requisite amount of trading floor profanity, along with a decent number of emoticons.

S&P’s written record was more metaphorical and sarcastic. One exec wrote that “this market is a wildly spinning top which is going to end badly”. An analyst said he had “no complaints” about his job, “aside from the fact that the MBS world is crashing, investors and the media hate us and we’re all running around to save face”. And then there’s the extended re-write of the Talking Heads’ “Burning Down the House”. That was immediately followed by another email warning “for obvious professional reasons, do not forward this song”.

Given that the probability of finding something stupid or profane in millions of pages of records approaches certainty, what regulator or prosecutor could resist using such material? In RBS’s case, it appears that the bank’s own traders sealed the outcome of the CFTC’s investigation.

S&P, which says that it did not “deliberately keep ratings high when we knew they should be lower”, may be different. While the documents are embarrassing, Matt Levine says that “picking some individual things that they could have done differently doesn’t seem even related to proving fraud”. And John Cassidy acknowledges that each side is taking a risk by going to trial. But given S&P’s decisions to delay implementing new models, and to pick and choose which ones it used, he applauds the risk the DOJ is taking. — Ben Walsh

On to today’s links:

Apple
The case that Apple is overvalued (and a classic “value trap”) – Bethany McLean

Oxpeckers
Is AOL’s CEO the “king of cocktail-napkin” innovation – or just a good salesman? – Jason Del Rey

Deals
HP “intends to keep the company together”, unless it’s a better idea to break it up – Quartz

New Normal
Some of the richest colleges are suing their poorest graduates – Bloomberg
Millenials: the frugalist generation – Amir Sufi

Wonks
Freedom requires us to live in a periodically psychotic “economic-chance” world – Steve Waldman
The great rotation is not so great, and not even really a rotation – FT Alphaville

Transitions
Tim Geithner is now a “distinguished fellow” – WSJ

Yikes
The brain-frying effects of “acoustic shadow zones” (for homing pigeons) – The Atlantic

Best and Brightest
Life insurance CFOs wished financial modeling required no time or thought – WSJ

Politics As Usual
Marco Rubio thinks rap should be mimetic – BuzzFeed

Big Numbers
The largest prime number ever discovered is 17 million digits long – Scientific American

Tax Arcana
How the Dell buyout works as a tax-avoidance scheme – Quartz

COMMENT

@KenG, if history is any example, HP’s board will vote to spend $20B to acquire another failing tech business. Value destruction at its best!

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The Post Office gets tough with Congress

Felix Salmon
Feb 6, 2013 15:47 UTC

The fight between the Post Office and Congress is a very peculiar one. Normally, when the government owns some incredibly profligate business, it’s Congress which tries to impose efficiency gains and fiscal discipline, while the business insists that all of its spending is absolutely necessary and that it has already cut to the bone. In this case, however, the roles are reversed: the Post Office wants to change, and it’s Congress which is stopping it from doing so.

The latest move from the Post Office is a bold one: to abolish Saturday delivery unilaterally, starting August 1. This is a bit like Citicorp announcing that it was merging with Travelers: it’s illegal, but that’s not going to stop them, and the clear expectation is that somehow Congress will make it legal, before or shortly after it happens in reality.

As Jesse Lichtenstein details in his amazing 10,000-word Esquire story about the Post Office, the organization does actually have a detailed plan for becoming fully self-reliant over the next few years. Abolishing Saturday delivery is just one small part of that plan; all of it, by law, requires Congressional buy-in. The plan may or may not be successful, but, as they say, plan beats no plan. The big problem is simple, but huge: Congress isn’t playing along, and instead is just making matters worse, unhelpfully micromanaging everything from postage rates to delivery schedules to health-care contributions.

That’s why I love the idea of the Post Office doing something that’s clearly illegal, putting the ball squarely in Congress’s court. The idea is both delicious and dangerous: go ahead an implement the plan whether Congress likes it or not. And then dare them to bring down the hammer, or simply capitulate to the inevitable. They might not like the latter option, but the former would surely be worse for all concerned.

Today’s announcement says to me that relations between the Post Office and Congress have deteriorated so much that the Post Office has given up on getting Congressional buy-in for its plans. At the same time, the plans are necessary (sufficient is a different question) if the Post Office is going to survive for decades to come. And so the Post Office is just going ahead with what needs to be done, and has decided to treat Congress as an adversary, rather than as a key partner in its evolution.

The risks of this move are obvious: Congress is the government, and has awesome powers, should it choose to use them. But there’s a very good chance, here, that Congress will blink first, and end up giving the Post Office at least some of what it wants. Including five-day delivery. Sometimes, you’ve got to get tough with those legislators.

COMMENT

The post master general told all letter carriers last year about the financial struggle that the post office is going through and tjat his 10 year plan as he see it will be to start by cutting out saturday delivery and as HE perdicts the mail volume to go down the post office will need to be cut to 3 days of delivery. So if he gets his way with end SERVICE on saturdays he will cut more delvery days to save money. This is the wrong way!! The post master general wants to just stop delivering mail to small towns and other rural areas because He belives its not cost effective to continue giveing them service. Last spring he tried to shut down rural post offices accross the US but the union fought him and was partialy able to save those small offices. The only thing he did succed was he cut the hours of operation from 8 hours to 6 in some offices and some he cut to 3. There are better ways to save the post office but the post master general does not want to try any other meathod. Please go to NALC.com to get more info on how to stop the post master from cutting service to ALL americans.

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Counterparties: Not all that bursts is a bubble

Ben Walsh
Feb 5, 2013 22:53 UTC

Welcome to the Counterparties email. The sign-up page is here, it’s just a matter of checking a box if you’re already registered on the Reuters website. Send suggestions, story tips and complaints to Counterparties.Reuters@gmail.com.

If you aren’t terrified about the coming bond bubble, you should be, according to those who have taken it upon themselves to play interest-rate Paul Revere. Finance heavyweights like Lloyd Blankfein, Gary Cohn, Bill Gross, and Jeff Gundlach have each voiced their concern. Fitch has chimed in too.

There’s nothing particularly new about these warnings. Businessweek’s Roben Farzad charts the “many cautionary, even alarmist, headlines” that have appeared over the last six months. Quartz’s Matt Phillips says that we are now in the fifth year of headlines warning of a spike in rates.

The Washington Post’s Neil Irwin can’t find much evidence of a bond bubble, concluding that “rising rates [are] more likely to occur for good reasons — because the economy is getting back on track — than for bad reasons”. All the worry is “peculiar legacy of the financial crisis”. “Among the financial commentariat,” he writes, “there is a tendency to see a bubble whenever the market for a particular asset rises”. Calculated Risk’s Bill McBride agrees: “I don’t see speculation, significant leveraged buying, storage or any of the other factors that defined a housing bubble”.

There might not be a bond bubble, but that doesn’t mean bonds are a safe place to invest. On PIMCO’s website, Bill Gross has an “investment outlook” that’s more detailed than his CNBC appearances. He makes the case that rising rates aren’t themselves what scares him. Instead, it’s the increasing amount of debt required to generate growth: “In the 1980s, it took four dollars of new credit to generate $1 of real GDP. Over the last decade, it has taken $10, and since 2006, $20 to produce the same result”. That, Gross says, is a problem akin to a supernova expanding by consuming itself. It’s also far beyond the limits of a bond bubble, and closer to arguments about the end of growth itself.

If that sounds a little far-fetched, look at the latest estimates from the Congressional Budget Office, which project years of depressed growth and high unemployment in the US. That’s a far bigger problem than too many people buying bonds at low rates — in fact, low growth and high unemployment, as the BIS noted in December, are most of the reason why rates are low. — Ben Walsh

On to today’s links:

Regulators
The SEC’s “chronic” enforcement problem: conflicts of interest that prevent enforcement – WSJ

Deals
For $24.4 billion, Dell will spend some private time with Michael Dell and Silver Lake – Businesswire
Why Dell is going private – Felix

Primary Sources
The full text of the US suit against S&P – Reuters

Fiscally Speaking
The full CBO budget outlook – Congressional Budget Office

EU Mess
“It is all untrue, except for some things” – Spain’s prime minister on corruption charges – El Pais

Charts
Goldman predicts an unprecedented decline in government spending – Matt Yglesias
The global youth unemployment crisis, visualized – IMF

Alpha
Underperforming Fidelity target date funds stuffed with underperforming Fidelity funds – NYT

Tautological But True
Successful management-led buyouts “successfully enrich management at shareholder expense” – Steven Davidoff

Plutocracy Now
JP Morgan advises wealth management clients to become neo-feudal lords – Bloomberg

FYI
Debt collecting via Facebook is probably illegal – American Banker

Distinctions
Illegal immigrants “break the law in the sense that everyone breaks the law” – Slate

Cephalopods
Goldman releases app to help applicants understand the jobs they probably won’t get – Goldman Sachs

Wonks
Yep, banks “use laxer standards to underwrite loans” that are securitized – Liberty Street Economics
How the IMF could save millions of jobs – Joseph Gagnon

Oxpeckers
An exhaustive etymological investigation into where the horrible term “Big Data” came from – Steve Lohr

COMMENT

“In the 1980s, it took four dollars of new credit to generate $1 of real GDP. Over the last decade, it has taken $10, and since 2006, $20 to produce the same result” – or, in other words, our financial sector has become increasingly inefficient. We need to eliminate the government subsidies. Stop providing free contract enforcement for untaxed transactions. Stop providing low cost credit and speculation insurance. If our financial sector were part of the government, we’d have shut it down decades ago.

I still say the Federal Reserve needs to open a retail window. Our financial sector is a luxury we can no longer afford.

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Why Dell is going private

Felix Salmon
Feb 5, 2013 15:38 UTC

Why are Michael Dell and Silver Lake taking Dell private at a valuation of $24.4 billion? Christopher Mims explained his theory a few weeks ago: it’s all about a company that Dell acquired last year for roughly $500 million. Wyse makes PCs-on-a-USB-stick: everything is in the cloud. According to Mims, if you combine Wyse’s technology with Dell’s ability to talk the kind of language that corporate IT buyers love, Dell is now well position to disrupt itself:

A privately held Dell, shielded from the pressure to post continual growth on a quarterly basis, could refocus itself on thin clients and cloud computing, which could set itself up for a breathtaking turnaround.

This raises an interesting question. Right now, Dell has about $9 billion of debt; that number is going to rise substantially post-buyout, with a $2 billion loan from Microsoft and a $15 billion financing package from Wall Street. The cost of servicing all that debt is going to weigh heavily on any company trying to grow fast in the highly competitive and extremely capital-intensive world of cloud computing. Wouldn’t it be easier to just stay public, announce a new cloud-based strategy, let the stock find its level, and then execute with an eye to the long term?

After all, private equity shops like Silver Lake have a clear time horizon and exit strategy: they want to come in, turn the company around, and then sell out at a substantial profit within 5-10 years. Public equity, by contrast, is permanent capital, and has an infinite time horizon — in theory, it should be better suited for people with a long-term vision.

But two things are going on here. Firstly, Dell is incredibly cheap. It has revenue of roughly $60 billion per year, gross profit of almost $14 billion, and net income of more than $2.5 billion. That means Silver Lake is paying less than 10 times earnings for the second-biggest PC manufacturer in the US, and the third-biggest in the world. And secondly, debt is incredibly cheap as well. Financing terms haven’t been disclosed, but I doubt Dell is paying more than 6% for its money. 6% of $15 billion is less than $1 billion a year, which still leaves a lot of money left over for investing in the cloud.

Winning a significant share of the cloud-computing pie is not going to be easy: both Google and Amazon are formidable competitors. But I can absolutely see what Silver Lake is thinking here. For many years, the big money in technology has been in fast-growing early-stage companies — but those companies are being increasingly boxed in by a few large firms who each hold key patents in just about every area. Dell has patents — it acquired more than 180 of them with the Wyse acquisition alone; it has the ability to invest and to reach enormous numbers of customers; and it also has a large number of boring-but-viable business units which can be sold off to generate even more capital if needed.

The valuation curve in the technology space has never been as steeply inverted as it is right now: while there are dozens of billion-dollar startups with negligible profits or revenues, the giants in the sector are trading at a significant discount to the stock market as a whole. For a company like Silver Lake, which is based in Silicon Valley and exists to turn around mature technology companies, this can be seen as a once-in-a-generation opportunity combining cheap debt with low valuations and enormous upside potential if they get it right. Frankly, if Silver Lake didn’t buy Dell at this point it should probably just pack up and liquidate.

This buyout might well fail — private equity is an inherently risky business. But it’s pretty obvious that Silver Lake has a much greater risk tolerance, right now, than the public equity markets have. If public shareholders don’t want to touch Dell, and Silver Lake sees an opportunity, then it makes perfect sense for Silver Lake to buy the company — especially since they get to keep Michael Dell himself as a key partner in the deal. If you’re a big company wanting to take big risks in technology, it seems, these days you have only three choices. You can be Amazon, you can be Google, or you can go private. Dell’s choice was clear.

COMMENT

I think fxtrader7 has the right take on this. Basically, it’s a liquidation play. Dell, for all its flaws, is an operating company with decent financials. Sucking the life out of it and leaving an empty husk is good business.

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Counterparties: Volcker with voltage

Feb 4, 2013 21:42 UTC

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Two years after the endlessly delayed Volcker Rule was first passed, there’s been a slow, rough convergence in how the world treats too-big-to-fail banks.

Today, George Osborne, the UK’s chancellor of the exchequer, announced a series of new powers that will force banks to separate their trading and lending operations — or face being broken up.  This is the year, Osborne said in a speech, “when we re-set our banking system.” In France and Germany, something similar is going on: both countries are considering Volcker-ish proposals to that would force banks to silo off everyday banking from things like prop trading and financing hedge funds.

Building off of a government commission’s 2011 recommendation, Osborne’s approach, which he calls an “electrified ring-fence”, relies on four elements: the Bank of England will soon take over responsibility as a “super cop” for the economy; banks’ trading activities will be severed from their retail lending operations; the UK will somehow go about “changing the whole culture and ethics of the business”; and there will be more choice in a banking system which “verges on an oligopoly”.

The FT suggests Osborne’s words are a threat; Lex wonders if that threat is mostly empty. Reuters quotes a government source saying the move was intended “to send a signal to Europe” to move faster on reform (it also says Osborne was “bowing to political pressure”). And the British Bankers Association says a clear separation between trading and banking would create “uncertainty” for the industry.

Behind closed doors”, bankers say they are not particularly worried about Osborne‘s fence. Much scarier for the banking industry is a growing chorus that’s arguing big banks may need to be broken up — a group which includes bank critics like Michael Lewis, free-market adherents like Alan Greenspan, and ex-bankers like Sandy Weill. In the US, new rules on big banks are being “absolutely driven by a sense that Dodd-Frank did not end too big to fail”, a Cato Institute staffer told Bloomberg. — Ryan McCarthy

On to today’s links:

EU Mess
Spain’s prime minister is embroiled in a scandal over secret cash payments – Telegraph

Long Reads
The crazy rise in health care spending is good for the economy — but only in the short-term – National Journal

Bold Moves
The economics of Netflix’s new $100 million show – Atlantic Wire

TBTF
Michael Lewis: financial institutions should be “so dull” that no one wants read about them – New Republic

Level Playing Fields
Organized crime fixed 680 soccer games – Guardian
If you can buy a gun, you should probably be allowed to bet on the Super Bowl – Felix

#OWS
8 good questions for Mary Jo White – Occupy the SEC

Peak Podcast
Carlyle co-founder releases debut podcast – Carlyle

Says Science
Dumb individuals can become smart crowds – Ed Yong

Currencies
Canadians are officially penniless – Canadian Press

Leaders
Richard III delivers definitive, yet lifeless, performance – NYT

Oxpeckers
Conde Nast’s intern’s big learning experience was learning what it’s like to be an intern in the magazine business – NYU

Awful
America has averaged one mass murder per month since 2009, study says – Brad Plummer

Wonks
The good news from Japan – Paul Krugman

Growth Industries
“Unemployed Reporter Porter”, it’s as “dark and bitter as the future of American journalism” – Hartford Advocate

Alpha
A reminder that Wall Street hates you – Aleph Blog

FYI
WE’RE HIRING – Felix

Crisis-Retro
Department of Justice will file civil suit against S&P for CDO ratings – Reuters

COMMENT

This would never have happened if it hadn’t been for pressure from the LibDems to put in place Business Secretary Vince Cable’s idea. In case you’ve forgotten, VInce Cable PhD (Econ) is the best Chancellor of the Exchequer the UK never will have had, kept out of that seat by not because he wasn’t the best for it, but because his party is the junior party in the coalition and in a democracy it isn’t who’s best to do the job that gets it, its who can shout the loudest. The Tories win that one hands down!

Posted by FifthDecade | Report as abusive

The SEC’s prospects against Stevie Cohen weaken further

Felix Salmon
Feb 4, 2013 17:51 UTC

Andrew Ross Sorkin and Peter Lattman have uncovered an interesting wrinkle in the SEC’s case against Mathew Martoma, the most promising part of its huge investigation into Stevie Cohen. The SEC made quite a big deal of the fact that Martoma didn’t just sell his position in two pharmaceutical companies ahead of a big negative announcement; he even kept on selling after that, building up a substantial short position.

But as Sorkin and Lattman have worked out, that’s not really the case: SAC was flat going into the announcement, rather than being short.

The NYT’s spin on this news is that it suggests “a possible line of defense for the portfolio manager”, but it’s not entirely obvious from the report what that possible line of defense is, so let me spell it out.

First, it’s worth stating quite clearly that profits are the same as avoided losses in the eyes of the law. The SEC says that Martoma made $75 million in profits and avoided $194 million in losses as a result of the trading, for a total of $269 million; in the light of the NYT’s new information, that should probably just be $269 million in avoided losses, and nothing in profits. The total amount of money is the same, so the severity of the charges is unchanged.

But here’s the thing: if your trading book is long ahead of a big announcement, you’re basically making a bet on that announcement. Similarly if you’re short. But if you’re flat, that’s the one way of not betting on the announcement. And it now seems that SAC was flat, rather than short.

Of course, if Martoma traded on inside information, then he’s guilty whatever the final position of SAC’s trading book was. But if that position was flat rather than short, it’s no longer circumstantial evidence that SAC thought the announcement was going to be negative.

And there’s another line of defense here, too. As the NYT says, “SAC is well known for its aggressive, rapid-fire trading style, and several former employees say that there is nothing unusual about the fund’s exiting a large position over just a few days.” And this is the defense that has now been opened up. SAC was sitting on substantial paper profits, on its position in Wyeth and Elan. It knew an announcement was coming, and it knew that announcement could move the stocks substantially. If it made the sensible determination that the downside was bigger than the upside, there was every reason for the fund to move to a flat position ahead of the announcement, whether it had any inside information or not.

If I were a defense lawyer here, I’d be coming up with hundreds of previous cases where SAC exited a large position in a short amount of time, ideally ahead of some big announcement. Some of those exits will have been smart, in hindsight, while others will have been silly: SAC would have been better off holding onto its position rather than going flat. But the decision to go flat and take profits (or cut losses) is a common one within SAC, and can happen at any time for any of a million reasons. And as a result, SAC’s trading activity is not in and of itself prima facie evidence of insider knowledge.

Frankly, this isn’t much of a defense. Trading activity is what the SEC uses to try to find possible abusers of inside information; it’s not what the SEC uses to try to prove such cases. In this case, the SEC is relying on the testimony of Sid Gilman, the doctor who leaked the trial results to Martoma before the official announcement.

But the news does help insulate Cohen, even if it doesn’t help Martoma very much. No one knows what Martoma told Cohen before Cohen made the decision to go flat, but SAC’s trading action is entirely consistent with a simple declaration that Martoma wasn’t comfortable being long any more. (The rest of SAC was already making a strong case against being long at this point.) If Cohen knew that an announcement was imminent, and that the one person who wanted to be long no longer wanted to be long, then it would have made sense for him to go flat ahead of the announcement, even if he had no inside information at all. And there’s no particular reason to believe that Martoma would have admitted to Cohen that he had illegal insider information.

As Sorkin and Lattman say, the statute of limitations on this trade is rapidly running out: if the SEC will have to either bring charges against Cohen soon, or not at all. And so long as Martoma is refusing to cooperate with the SEC, it increasingly seems as though the SEC’s best chance yet to nail Cohen is going to slip through its hands.

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