Reagan’s true legacy: The Tea Party
Challenging the status quo is the correct condition of American conservatism.
At the end of the American Revolution, Benjamin Rush, who had signed the Declaration of Independence, vowed that though the war with Great Britain was over, the Revolution would go on.
The stirrings of original American conservatism were found in such sentiments. For the proper state of American conservatism — from Thomas Paine to Thomas Jefferson to Abraham Lincoln — is to be in a perpetual struggle for intellectual revolution.
Ronald Reagan, whose 103rd birthday would have been Thursday, exemplified this. No surprise the Gipper regularly quoted all three men.
Reagan never saw himself as part of the Washington establishment — even after his two terms as president. As he was leaving the White House, Reagan said of the conservatives who had come to D.C. in 1980: ‚ÄúWe were all revolutionaries.‚ÄĚ
The modern American Tea Party embraces this attitude. Even as the Republican Party‚Äôs neo-conservative-Bush-establishment wing despises it. Which is one key reason why the GOP today looks like an unending war zone.
The GOP establishment, besides defending the indefensible, spends a great deal of effort attacking and impugning the Tea Party movement. They seem unable to grasp that the Tea Party is true American conservatism.
Reagan understood this even while president. ‚ÄúIn the political world,‚ÄĚ Reagan said in 1984, ‚Äúthe cult of the state is dying; so, too, the romance of the intellectual with state power is over. Indeed, the excitement and energy in the intellectual world is focused these days on the concerns of human freedom, on the importance of transcendent and enduring values.‚ÄĚ
A commentator at the American Enterprise Institute recently slammed the Reagan legacy, saying it ‚Äúwas akin to being caught in a sort of amber.‚ÄĚ This is the usual for the GOP establishment — which includes everyone from former Bush aides to the K Street corporatists. Many run down Reagan as a means to run down the Tea Party conservatives as foolish and dumb — rather than recognizing the movement‚Äôs ‚Äútranscendent and enduring values.‚ÄĚ
Reaganism and true American conservatism are both about celebrating the individual. Today, the American public is in agreement. It won‚Äôt tolerate any more bureaucracies. Consider, a recent Gallup poll showed that 72 percent of the public considered government their enemy.
Yet the GOP today resembles two warring college fraternity houses. The establishment Republicans seem to be like the Omegas of Animal House — arrogant, elitists and believers in a false utopia. The Tea Party Reaganites are like the Deltas — populists and individualists who celebrate freedom.
In that seminal film comedy, the Deltas prevailed. But the Tea Party‚Äôs efforts have been slowed because there is no inspirational leader today to carry its message. There is no one capable of bringing the insiders to heel — as Reagan did against the Rockefeller Republican establishment, which loathed him as much as the Bush establishment today despises the Tea Party.
The Republican Party‚Äôs current dilemma has been obvious throughout the National Security Agency revelations. The establishment has defended the NSA‚Äôs trampling of the 4th Amendment. They heatedly denounce former NSA contractor Edward Snowden and his revelations about government spying on private citizens. ¬†Why? Because top-down Republicans believe institutions are more important than individuals.
Snowden should properly be regarded by American conservatives as the 21st century‚Äôs John Brown. Controversial? Yes. But Snowden is also the spark who ignited our crucial debate about human rights and the right of all Americans to be secure from government intrusion. The modern GOP has failed in its historic responsibility as the party of freedom.
Reagan spoke out often against government invasions of privacy. In 1978, for example, he campaigned strongly against California Proposition 6, known as the Briggs Amendment. It would have allowed the state to prevent gays and lesbians from teaching in public schools there. But Reagan felt government intrusion into the bedroom was deeply offensive.
Reagan did support the Census as a means to create fair representation in Congress. But that was about it, where he was concerned. He insisted that anything else Washington wanted to know about Americans was ‚Äúnone of their business.‚ÄĚ
As the two parties continue to evolve, it may be that the neo-con Republicans, wedded to the notion of big government, will even migrate back to the Democratic Party, from whence they came. They may even take with them the coporatists and party commissars wedded to the notion of ‚Äúbigness.‚ÄĚ
Soon after Reagan died, former U.S. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, who had traveled her own road from Humphrey Democrat to neo-conservative to full-fledged conservative perceptively said, ‚ÄúRonald Reagan believed ‚Ä¶ that the individual is the creative principal in history and society.‚ÄĚ
Indeed he did.
In his own ideological journey from New Deal Democrat supporter to intellectual conservatism, Reagan spoke out against the tyranny of government over the individual.
On this, his birthday, it is well to remember not just who Reagan was — but what he stood for.
PHOTO (TOP): President Ronald Reagan addressing a news conference in Washington, October 19, 1983. REUTERS/Mal Langsdon¬†
PHOTO (INSERT): Tea Party stickers are displayed in the exhibition hall at the Conservative Political Action Conference at National Harbor, Maryland, March 14, 2013. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque
PHOTO (INSERT 2): Former spy agency contractor Edward Snowden’s photograph on his new refugee documents granted by Russia is seen during a news conference in Moscow, August 1, 2013. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov