Opinion

James Saft

Britain eats (leverages) its young

Nov 22, 2011 16:31 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

Four years, several failed banks and at least one global recession later, Britain has finally discovered what its young people need: 19-1 leverage.

Britain has announced a new housing initiative, the centerpiece of which is a plan to entice first-time buyers into buying newly-built properties with as little as 5 percent down.

Under the plan both builders and the government would contribute funds to partially indemnify lenders against what I am betting are the inevitable losses. Borrowers, who are almost by definition younger and less well off, will still bear all losses, but will be rewarded with the chance to take out the kind of loan which has proven time and again to be a bad idea.

This is utterly wrongheaded — the best possible thing that can happen for first-time buyers, and arguably for most Britons, is for housing prices to fall to a level commensurate with earnings.

Why are houses in Britain so difficult to afford? Partly because of problems with supply, issues that the housing plan takes some steps, almost certainly insufficient ones, to address. And also because Britons, first out of necessity and then in the fever of greed, borrowed so much money in order to wedge themselves into what little housing was available that they drove prices up to unaffordable levels.

Again, as in Europe and the U.S., we have governments which, when confronted with problems that are fundamentally about debt, decide that piling yet more debt on top is the answer. Like the European Financial Stability Facility, which has proved utterly ineffective in supporting Italian debt, this plan too will fail, but not before many people will be tempted into taking on houses and debts they ought not to risk.

Prime Minister David Cameron himself pointed out that in some places in Britain a police officer married to a nurse would not be able to buy a first home. Exactly, and the solution to that issue is not allowing young civil servants to take on more debt but rather concentrating on policies which will bring prices back into balance with household cash flows.

As it stands, most lenders in Britain require a down payment of about 20 percent, a far higher amount than required in the boom years, but historically not a particularly high figure. That’s right and prudent. People who have only been able to scratch together 5 percent of the purchase price too often prove to be not in a position to carry through on the commitment.

BRITAIN’S DEBT MOUNTAIN

To be sure, first-time buyers purchasing new houses helps to create jobs but this is a stimulative policy that depends on putting people in harm’s way for a supposedly greater good. Some borrowers will naively assume that it must be safe to borrow so disproportionately to their means simply because it is being done as part of a government program. They, however, are not the prime beneficiaries here. Instead, it is the building industry, and to a certain extent existing home owners and the banks which hold their mortgages.

It is not, after all, as if you can construct an argument that Britain has too little debt. Despite the imposition of fiscal cutbacks, overall indebtedness continues to rise and is the highest among developed nations. According to data from consultants McKinsey obtained by the BBC, aggregate indebtedness — household, company, government and bank debts taken together — is now 492 percent of British GDP, slightly higher than a year ago.

So why then when faced with debt problems do so many governments seek to solve them by adding even more leverage? For one thing in a balance sheet recession — the type we are now experiencing — all sectors of the economy try to pay down debts at the same time, creating further downward pressure in growth and asset prices. Britain’s government is attempting to pay down its own sovereign debt right now, though they are perhaps finding that the economy is deteriorating at a rate that makes this impossible.

Ultimately this phenomenon calls into question the solvency of borrowers, be they individuals owning housing, banks owning mortgages or governments backstopping banks. It is tempting then to support the asset prices by adding a bit more leverage.

What’s really needed is either a sustained bout of salutary inflation — a polite default on the debt — or some kind of organized jubilee to rebase both asset prices and the debt which supports them.

While the Bank of England is mulling yet another round of quantitative easing, the current high rate of UK inflation should fall rapidly, and shows little sign of spreading to housing.

Britain, and especially its young nurses and police, would do well to keep their heads down, save their pennies and wait for housing to fall another 20 percent in real terms, as ultimately it must.

At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund. You can email him at jamessaft@jamessaft.com.

COMMENT

If we are about to have a bout of deflation would nurses be advised to save? Given that NS&I have shut up shop because they know they will inflate?

If there is a debt jubilee should they not buy a massive house?

Posted by pfi | Report as abusive

Technocrats can’t cure the contagion

Nov 15, 2011 18:07 EST

James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

Now it is Spain.

The message from markets is not so much that Italy is too big to fail but that Greece will fail and in doing so ensnare others.

The prospect of two new avowedly technocratic governments and fresh pledges and plans for austerity proved not enough to stem contagion in the euro zone, as the financing drought spread beyond Greece and Italy to Spain. Spanish 10-year bond yields climbed above 6 percent for the first time since early August when the European Central Bank waded into bond markets in Spain’s support.

Perhaps that is because the contagion isn’t coming from Athens or Rome but from governments in Berlin, Paris and the ECB in Frankfurt, all of which seem unwilling to take the needed steps to save the euro.

The era of good feeling following Silvio Berlusconi’s resignation and the appointment of former European Commissioner Mario Monti as premier-designate was, well, short. While Italian bond yields are well below the mid-7-percent levels of last week, they rose again on Monday to 6.67 percent and Italy was forced to pay a euro-era record to sell five-year bonds.

It didn’t stop there, with the costs to insure French and Belgian bonds against default also rising to a euro-era high.

With the ECB still acting as if it would fight the last war to the death while remaining strangely aloof to the burning building around it, the sell-off was little wonder.

“You won’t solve the crisis by reducing incentives for the Italian government to act,” ECB governing council member Jens Weidmann told the Financial Times. He also, in a separate speech, called for an end to international pressure on the ECB to act because it could undermine the central bank’s credibility.

While Weidmann, who also heads the German Bundesbank, is from the hard core of ECB bankers who oppose intervention, his comments underline the perhaps impossible position the euro zone finds itself in.

Without wholesale intervention, in the form of massive purchases of government bonds with freshly printed cash from Italy and whichever other state finds itself hard up, the euro project looks very vulnerable to toppling over.

The logic of contagion, this time directed at Spain, is pretty simple. If the ECB won’t act, no force exists to serve as a firebreak, without which financial markets will simply press on, assuming that either a failure or a bail-out with haircuts of one will spread to others.

The risible bending over backward to make Greece appear not to default under the most recent deal is an example, and actually serves to make Weidmann’s point as well.

The moral hazard of an ECB printing German money and giving it to Italy and its creditors, for example, will inevitably bring with it maneuvering by Spain, Ireland and perhaps eventually France for similar terms.

PLANNING FOR FAILURE

German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas Sarkozy first broached the subject of euro exit last month when they labeled a bailout referendum proposed by then Greek Prime Minister Papandreou as a vote on euro membership. That had the intended effect of forcing him into a U-turn before he stepped down, but did let the genie out of the bottle for the rest of the euro zone.

A vote by Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union to allow euro members to leave the euro doesn’t help either. Nor does an unsourced story in Germany’s Der Spiegel contending that German scenario planning envisions a stronger euro area after a Greek exit from the project.

Like it or not, market prices are indicating that an exit by Greece is becoming more likely, and that in itself makes other exits or a wholesale reorganization more likely. This brings us back to the lack of a true central bank in Europe, one that can serve as a lender of last resort for sovereigns. Without that, or a naked policy of huge fiscal transfers from Germany to the south and its creditors, there is little to stop a huge run on sovereign credit, and on the banks that are exposed to sovereign credit.

Those banks are very likely exacerbating things by lightening up their own sovereign exposure, trying to front run what is going to be an absurdly difficult task of raising capital ahead of the supposed mid-2012 targets outlined in the rescue plan.

If there is a benign interpretation of all of this, it is that the ECB, Germany and to an extent France are bargaining hard to extract maximum concessions from southern Europe before they at last backpedal and orchestrate the big money-printing exercise.

Let’s hope that when they reach for that bazooka they find it is still there.

At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund.

COMMENT

I hope that we can agree that the Euro problem is more political than a clash of economic theories. Having seen the unsightly spectacle of Greek politicians squabbling like a bunch of autistic children (before being sent away) while their house is on fire, having seen Berlusconi-the-buffoon sit back, looking at underage girls while Italy disappears under the waves, and Italian politicians acting as if nothing is the matter, having seen this and more, one wonders how to have a single currency with this kind of nations. In both countries, old guard politicians are already clamoring to get the reins back, so you already can see failure or disaster coming. Democracy is wonderful, but it doesn´t work the same way everywhere. Just try ´increasing integration´ under these circumstances.

Posted by Beethoven | Report as abusive

Europe’s coming credit austerity

Oct 18, 2011 16:48 EDT

By Jim Saft
James Saft is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.

Having demonstrated how poorly austerity worked in Greece, Europe may be on the verge of giving it a try in credit markets.

Plans to rescue the euro zone and its banks might land Europe in an extended credit crunch, a very poor outcome given the continent’s continued heavy reliance on bank financing.

While details are depressingly vague as to the how, plans seem afoot to insist on widespread recapitalization in European banks as part of an overall financial crisis package. The idea, broadly, is that the euro zone will write down Greek debt sufficiently, while establishing a backstop to stop a run on other weak states’ debt and then recapitalize the banks so that they can withstand the losses inherent in the exercise.

The U.S. banking recapitalization of 2009 is widely viewed as the model here, if not in form then in outcome, as U.S. banks are now far better capitalized than their European peers.

There are, at least, two severe problems with this.

Firstly, a look at the U.S. will show that while its banks as independent entities were saved, their ability to play their role in intermediating capital was compromised, at least in part because they were not aggressive enough in writing down doubtful housing-related debts. That’s an important contributing factor in creating a frail, shaky recovery in the U.S., and could easily happen in Europe.

“Markets may also fear adverse unintended consequences; for example, proposals to strengthen bank capital ratios that banks try to meet by accelerating the shrinkage of balance sheets,” George Magnus, senior economic advisor at UBS, wrote in a note to clients.

“This would deepen the euro zone’s growth crisis and make higher capital ratio goals retreat ever further into the distance.”

Europe, like the U.S., is going through a balance sheet recession. That means everyone is trying to repay debts at the same time, suppressing growth, inflation and asset prices. Government austerity is exacerbating this, but an extended credit crunch as banks try to rebuild balance sheets will only make matters worse.

This is not to say that Europe’s banks don’t need to shrink, as does its sovereign debt. Euro zone plans to save itself seem to have moved from simply trying to restore confidence, an impossibility as a stand-alone plan, to adding capital to the mix. Without addressing the underlying indebtedness this is going to result in either failure or a very extended period of slow growth.

WRITEDOWN NEEDED

An attempt to shore up banks must come to terms with the other over-indebted borrowers in the euro zone, and not simply the sovereign ones.

Take Spanish house owners, for example, who already face huge difficulties in getting loans to finance real estate purchases. Independent economist Edward Hugh argues that Spain needs a substantial asset writedown program, something that bank recapitalization simply does not address.

One easy-to-foresee risk post a euro zone rescue is that continued weakness in housing in peripheral markets continues to stress bank capital, casting a shadow over funding markets and undermining confidence. Remember, euro zone banks have a loan to deposit ratio of about 108 percent, a good 20 percentage points higher than U.S. banks, and only about 10 percent below their own pre-crisis peaks.

A reduction in bank lending in Europe is going to be even more painful than it would be in the U.S. given the euro zone’s less deep and highly developed capital markets. Europe has no Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac, yet, to take the strain in housing finance. Middle-sized businesses are still very reliant on bank financing.

In the U.S., the Federal Reserve helped to mitigate the pain of bank recapitalization by creating conditions in financial markets where investors wanted to take on some risk, leading to a booming market in bond issuance for corporate borrowers. Thus far there is no talk of credit easing from the ECB but it would not at all be surprising if this is on the agenda in a year’s time, once the force of bank deleveraging has been felt.

This is not an argument for going easy on banks, their shareholders or their executives. If anything Europe needs to take a harder line — forcing writedowns of debts public and private and being prepared to deal with the consequences.

Those consequences would not be pretty for bank shareholders. Many banks would fail and need to be taken into temporary public administration.

The more controlled default there is as part of the euro zone’s rescue, the better the results will be in two years time.

COMMENT

It seems hard to imagine that Greece (State and/or people)does not have substantial assets (many of which are probably unproductive) that could not be used to alleviate its liabilities. Why are such assets not transferred (avoiding fire sale) to it creditors? Does anyone have a handle on the value of these assets. It would seem unreasonable to have a right down of debts before the transfer of these assets is exhausted.

Posted by I_R_Responsible | Report as abusive

Pension savers get the boot

Nov 30, 2010 10:04 EST

From Dublin to Paris to Budapest to inside those brown UPS trucks delivering holiday packages, it has been a tough few weeks for savers and retirees.

Moves by the Irish, French and Hungarian governments, and by the famous delivery company, showed that in the post-crisis world retirees, present and future, will be paying much of the price and taking on more of the risk.

This goes beyond merely cutting back on pension benefits, rising to actual appropriation of supposedly long-term retirement assets to help fund short term emergencies.

Let’s start with Ireland, which is kicking in 10 billion euros from its National Pensions Reserve Fund into an 85 billion euro package of support for its banks.

Trust me, this does not reduce the risk profile of the NPRF, which was set up as a sovereign wealth fund to help pay for state retirement benefits.

Putting aside jokes about sovereignty and wealth, of which there is appreciably less in Ireland than formerly, this is effectively a transfer of wealth from the Irish people to its banks. Or rather, to the institutions, mostly European banks, which hold Irish bank debt, none of whom as senior creditors will share in the pain.

In many jurisdictions if Ireland were a corporation and the NPRF part of the corporation’s pension fund, then making such a move would be illegal, and quite rightly so.

Of course this is not the first time that the NPRF has been used in this way. It has already “invested” 7 billion euros into Irish banks and has pledged another 3.7 billion to struggling Allied Irish Banks.

Also under consideration is a regulatory move that would effectively compel some private Irish pension funds to hold more Irish government debt, thereby providing the state with a captive investor base but hugely raising the risks for savers.

On to Hungary, which is seeking to cut its very high level of public debt as it prepares for entry to a euro single currency which may well self-destruct before it ever gets the chance to join. Hungary’s government last week finalized new rules designed to force members of private pension plans to opt back into a state controlled pay-as-you go option.

The idea, such as it is, is that participants in the private plans will fork over their $14 billion or so in savings, equal to about 10 percent of Hungary’s GDP, to the government in exchange for a pledge of a pension from the state. Hungary plans to use the funds to make pension payments to current retirees this year and next as well as to pay down government debt.

It is, in short, an outrage.

PACKAGES SOMETIMES GET LOST
Earlier this month France launched a move similar to Ireland’s as part of legislation that raised the age of retirement.

France is transferring more than 20 billion euros of assets belonging to its Fonds de Reserve pour les Retraites (FRR), a funded portion of its retirement system, to Cades, a fund designed to be run down to pay for social benefits.

The transfer will take place over a number of years and the mix of assets held by the FRR in the meantime will shift radically, implying a large shift to government debt. Very convenient for the French Treasury but perhaps not so good for future retirees.

Finally, let’s turn to UPS, which earlier this month became one of the most notable of a string of U.S. companies to sell bonds in order to fund its obligations to its underfunded pension fund. UPS sold $2 billion of bonds due in 2021 and 2040, with the longer dated portion yielding about 5.0 percent.

A decade of paltry equity market returns and current low bond yields, which are used to calculate future liabilities to retirees, have left many firms, including UPS, with funding deficits.

Debt financing pension obligations is in essence a plan to try and make a spread between the cost of financing and the returns the company is able to make on its pension assets.

Borrowing to speculate in financial markets to make up for a lack of previous saving; what could possibly go wrong?

To be fair, UPS, which is one of many large U.S. corporations making similar moves, can’t be equated with Ireland or Hungary. UPS has the same legal obligation to its pension fund no matter how it chooses to fund it, so the bond issue from that perspective does not raise the risk for retirees.

That said, a participant in a company pension plan is dependent on the ability of the company to meet its obligations. The more debt the company takes on, the higher that risk is.

Savers of all types are being asked to shoulder risks they did not sign on for, the costs of which they will inevitably bear.

(At the time of publication James Saft did not own any direct investments in securities mentioned in this article. He may be an owner indirectly as an investor in a fund.email James Saft at jamessaft@jamessaft.com)

COMMENT

Is this a lot different than the US Social Security trust funds being used to purchase US Government debt and then calling the bonds “assets”?

Posted by MikeStover | Report as abusive
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