MacroScope

Britain’s David Cameron began the day on Monday gently slapping down two Cabinet colleagues who said if they had a vote today, they would opt to leave the EU. It was senseless, he said, to throw in the towel before he had had a chance to renegotiate Britain’s relationship with Europe. He ended it by caving into rebels in his Conservative party who are demanding legislation now to commit to an in/out referendum before the next election.

The 25 year history of the Conservatives and Europe – internecine warfare and successive election defeats as they obsessed about something which figures low on most Britons’ priority list – suggests no good can come of this and if Cameron wins the 2015 election it moves Britain incrementally closer to the EU exit door. The more immediate question is whether Cameron has lanced the boil. Again, history suggests that if you give ground to the eurosceptics they merely demand more. And what the PM’s pro-EU Liberal Democrat coalition partners make of this isn’t hard to imagine which means he might not even have the numbers to get the bill through parliament. One of the leading rebels seized on that point, saying the move could well fail.

The anti-EU fringe party UKIP, which could well not win a single seat at the next election but has seriously spooked the Conservatives with strong showings in recent local elections, must be laughing all the way to the bank. If it can remake the Conservative party in its own image, its job will be done. But just as likely is a split party. The irony of Cameron doing all this while in Washington to bang the drum for an EU/U.S. trade deal is hard to ignore. President Obama pointedly said the British premier should fix its relationship with the EU.  If Cameron believes Britain should remain part of its main trading bloc, as he says he does, he is going to have to start explaining why and that is difficult to imagine.

In the euro zone, all is not well of course. A poll of nearly 8,000 people in eight EU states by the Pew Research Center, released overnight, shows the debt crisis has wrecked faith in the EU although support for the euro is holding up. Interestingly, disillusionment seems to be growing fastest in France, hinting at a new schism with Germany.

There are differences over policy too. Spain and Portugal pushed yesterday for a full banking union while Germany continued to emphasise the legal hurdles and the head of the euro zone finance ministers said much of the work could be done now with issues surrounding treaty change dealt with later. Berlin wants a limited banking union based around cross-border supervision and only much later (never?) a bloc-wide system to deal with failing banks which it says will require treaty change. This has the fortunate effect of preventing Germany from taking on liability for others but it’s nothing like the structure that was proposed last year. The big imponderable is whether its stance softens after September elections or not.

It seems eons since the euro zone finance ministers’ meetings which made such a hash of the Cyprus bailout but they were only two months ago. Monday’s Eurogroup will be altogether less eventful with some of the gathering probably a little jaded having spent part of their weekend at the G7 outside London where the usual differences about growth versus austerity and banking reform were aired.

No one will be sorry for a more routine meeting and there are no icebergs on the horizon but the agenda is still a full one. Featuring will be the economic situation on the basis of the Commission’s latest forecasts, the state of play in Cyprus, the decision already taken to release more bailout money to Greece, the new steps taken by Portugal to fill the gaps in its budget after the country’s top court struck some measures out, a review of European Commission reports on what is ailing Spain and Slovenia and a broad discussion about the merits of the ESM bailout being allowed to recapitalise bank retroactively from next year.

Italy offers a range of bonds at auction worth up to 8 billion euros which should be snapped up given the European Central Bank’s underwriting of the euro zone and Japanese money coursing through the financial system.

Finally, finally, finally we get the much-vaunted David Cameron speech on Britain’s relationship with Europe.

So, what will Cameron say? Most bluntly he will promise a straight in-or-out EU referendum if he wins an election in 2015 and after he has negotiated a “new settlement”. He correctly notes that public disillusionment with Europe is at an all-time high, which is precisely why offering a referendum could lead to Britain leaving the bloc, something even Cameron doesn’t want, although he argues a vote could lance that boil.

A new EU must be built upon five principles, he says: competitiveness, flexibility, power flowing back to member states, democratic accountability and fairness. But there appears to be no detail on the powers he would attempt to claw back, after which he says he would campaign to stay in the bloc.

Is Italy about to add some bite to its bark as far as the euro zone is concerned? Quite possibly. An opinion poll last night showed Silvio Berlusconi’s centre-right coalition is charging up along the rails, increasing the chances of a messy election result with the front-running centre-left unable to form a stable government.

Although it retains a strong lead, the way votes are carved up in the Senate could easily rob it of a majority in the upper house. The huge media coverage Berlusconi can command via his empire may be starting to tell. Technocrat premier Mario Monti, who could yet play a key part in a centre-left administration if his centrist grouping is needed in a coalition, responded to the polling evidence by launching a stinging attack on Berlusconi.

Markets have so far been utterly sanguine about the late February election but if Berlusconi’s resurgence continues, that could change abruptly. The favoured outcome would be a PD (centre-left) government supported by Monti who would act as guarantor of economic reforms needed to increase Italian competitiveness and growth. But a chunk of the Democrat Party (PD) want a sharp change of course from Monti’s austerity path, and its main coalition partner on the left, the SEL, are implacably opposed to his policies. So nothing is certain.

The European Commission leapt off the fence yesterday proposing many of the policies – a bank deposit guarantee fund, longer for Spain to make the cuts demanded of it and allowing the euro zone rescue fund to lend to banks direct (though there were some mixed messages on that) – that would buy a considerable period of time to move towards its ultimate goal: the sort of fiscal union that would make the euro zone a credible bloc much harder for the markets to attack.

The proposals would go a long way to removing Spain from the firing line, and suggests Brussels at least has decided it now urgently needs to shore the country up. But Germany opposition to all three still appears to be steadfast.

Time to dust off the golden rule of this crisis – dramatic decisions are taken only when the bloc is staring right into the abyss. We’re not quite there yet, though not far off, so there has to be a chance of something seismic resulting from the end-June EU summit which follows June 17 Greek elections. The leaders of Germany, France, Italy and Spain meet in between, just after a G20 summit which will presumably press Angela Merkel hard too. As European Commission President Barroso said yesterday, speed and flexibility will be of the essence although at least some of what is being discussed would require time-consuming treaty change.

With Spain’s banking system looking ever more parlous and the Damoclean Sword of Greek elections hanging over the financial markets, next week is not going to be for the faint-hearted.

Stock markets have endured another volatile week, rising early on before falling sharply just before the EU summit, then rising the day after – all this when very little changed on the euro zone landscape. Increasingly, the downward moves are sharper than the upward ones and there is little prospect of things settling before the June 17 Greek elections. It seems everyone is so nervous that if they are sitting on a day of gains, they cash them in double-quick.

Page one of the crisis management manual says get all the bad news out quickly. The handling of troubled Spanish lender Bankia has been an abject failure in that respect. First, the government said it would require about 9 billion euros to shore up, a few days on they are looking at 20 billion. One proposal doing the rounds is to create one nationalized bank out of a number of failed lenders. The big question, to borrow heavily from Louis XV, is: Apres Bankia la deluge?