Could Islamist rebels undermine change in Africa?
Creeping from the periphery in Africa’s east and west, Islamist militant groups now pose serious security challenges to key countries and potentially even a threat to the continent’s new success.
The biggest story in Africa south of the Sahara over the past few years hasn’t been plague, famine or war but the emergence of the world’s poorest continent as one of its fastest growing – thanks to factors that include fresh investment, economic reform, the spread of new technology, higher prices for commodity exports and generally greater political stability.
Nigeria and Kenya, the most important economies in West and East Africa respectively, are pillars of the change in Africa as well as having the largest and most easily accessible markets for foreigners.
Both now face growing battles with Islamist groups; Kenya throwing troops into neighbouring Somalia in pursuit of al Shabaab fighters, Nigeria struggling with bombings and shootings by its homegrown Boko Haram sect.
Kenyan forces have pushed into southern Somalia to drive back al Qaeda-linked militants blamed by Nairobi for a string of border incursions and kidnappings, including the abductions of foreign tourists from coastal resorts which have damaged one of Kenya’s most important industries.
Shabaab has in return called for all out war on Kenya and “huge blasts” by its unknown number of supporters there. Grenade attacks this week have killed one person, wounded more than 20 and jangled nerves in Nairobi, where more than 200 people died in an al Qaeda bombing of the U.S. embassy in 1998.
Killings by Nigeria’s Boko Haram sect (whose name means Western education is sinful) had been largely confined to a remote corner of the semi-desert northeast and ignored by much of the country until bombings struck the capital Abuja a few months back. A suicide car bombing on the U.N. headquarters in August killed 24 people.
Has the African Union got Libya wrong?
The joke always used to be that the ‘U’ in the African Union’s predecessor, the OAU, stood for useless. After the hopeless failure of African diplomatic efforts to bring a peaceful end to Libya’s rebellion against Muammar Gaddafi, and even more since the bloc held back on recognising the new Libyan rulers, critics suggest the African Union could be making itself irrelevant.
But is the African Union wrong to treat the anti-Gaddafi forces with more caution than their Western allies and the Arab world has done even if the former rebels seem to have widespread support for ending an autocrat’s rule?
There are plenty of reasons why the African Union would be reluctant to recognise the rebels who overthrew a man who did as much as anyone to found the African Union in place of the ineffectual club called the Organisation of African Unity.
Many individuals African rulers benefited from Gaddafi’s largesse – particularly when they were in trouble – allowing them to get over any queasiness at his comic theatre at African summits and his coronation as Africa’s “King of Kings” as well as to humour his quest for a “United States of Africa”.
For South Africa’s ruling ANC, Gaddafi was a friend during the struggle against apartheid. For Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe, who expelled the Libyan ambassador after he switched sides this week, help has been much more recent. Some autocrats may also fear that the example set by the overthrow of Gaddafi could inspire opponents in their own countries.
For the African Union – and South Africa in particular – there was the embarrassment of seeing peace efforts (no matter how well intended) dismissed internationally while the rebels fought towards Tripoli under the NATO air cover which made their war possible.
It’s not that there is a fully united front in Africa. Increasingly assertive giant Nigeria, striving to set itself out as a champion of democracy, was quick to recognise Libya’s new rulers. West Africans have not forgotten the hundreds of thousands who perished in Gaddafi-fuelled wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone and elsewhere either.
Prestigious opportunity for young African journalists
It is the time again when we seek entries for the prestigious FitzGerald prize for young African journalists.
This offers a scholarship for a promising, young (under 30) African journalist or aspirant journalist to do a post graduate BA hons degree at the University of The Witwatersrand ’s Journalism Programme in Johannesburg, starting in early 2012, and to join Reuters thereafter for a period of work experience.
Candidates must have an undergraduate degree or at least 3 years professional experience in journalism and must be nominated by a senior journalist, publisher or academic. They must be fluent in English. The scholarship will cover fees, accommodation and a modest living allowance.
Previous winners have come from Malawi, Nigeria and Kenya, chosen from among extremely strong candidates.
Candidates should submit a motivation letter, a CV, writing samples and at least 2 letters of nomination/reference by July 31, 2011 to fitzgeraldprize@thomsonreuters.com. Candidates will have to make themselves available for a written test and interview.
Who are Gaddafi’s on-screen supporters?
Mine has been the least glamorous part in helping cover the war in Libya – assisting correspondents in filing stories from the field and from monitored news reports.
Of course Reuters has reporters on both sides of the front line, but from Tunis I have been keeping an eye on Libyan television too – partly because it has scrolling headlines in English about the latest crusader, colonial and al Qaeda atrocities which might carry some news but also, I have to admit, from a fascination with the procession of people voicing their support for the Brother Leader, Muammar Gaddafi.
Not being an Arabic speaker, I can only gather a few words, but the raised voices make clear the emotion, often from Gaddafi’s Bab al Aziziyah compound itself.
Who are these Libyans and what do they really feel? Who are the people who bring young children on their shoulders to this repeatedly bombed compound, dressing them in bright green patriotic suits like little elves and hoisting them high while they thrust fists in the air?
Through the day the voices change – at one point a talk show host with improbably red hair discusses with participants sat in armchairs in the sunshine of the Mediterranean spring.
A succession of people take the microphone to voice their opinion – pretty much the same opinion. Sometimes they are teenagers, sometimes workers, sometimes in uniform, sometimes old men in sunglasses – always speaking quickly, loudly and angrily.
Do people get paid for their appearances or is it worth it for the few minutes of fame? Do they volunteer? Are they forced to do this?
Tunisian police break up fourth day of protests
TUNIS (Reuters) – Tunisian police used tear gas on Sunday to break up a fourth day of anti-government protests by scores of youths in the center of Tunis.
The North African country has struggled to restore stability since leader Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali was ousted earlier this year in a revolution which inspired uprisings across the Arab world.
Chanting protesters called for the departure of the government and Prime Minister Beji Caid Sebsi, whistling at black-clad riot police in central Tunis and throwing stones.
Police fired teargas to push the protesters into streets off the central Avenue Bourguiba.
“We only intervene when they throw stones, not when they insult us,” said one plain clothes officer, holding out a broken padlock he said the protesters had thrown.
“The police have to adapt to the new environment as well. Four months is not long enough to change everyone’s mentality,” he said.
Tension is growing in Tunisia in the countdown to a July election for an assembly that will draw up a new constitution.
Tunisia declares curfew after renewed protests
TUNIS (Reuters) – Tunisia’s government ordered an overnight curfew on Saturday after three days of forcefully suppressed protests and sacked an influential figure whose comments on a possible coup sparked the demonstrations.
The new troubles in the North African country, where the Arab world’s tide of unrest began, are rooted in fears the interim administration will renege on its commitment to democracy after the ousting of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in January.
“We now need a revolution to follow the revolution,” said Abdoulrahim Jalouli, holding up his mobile phone to show pictures of police chasing down youths in the streets near the centre of Tunis.
“You see. The police are the same as before. There is no change,” he said.
Protesters threw stones at police and set cars ablaze in streets near the centre of Tunis. Security forces responded with shots in the air and teargas. Residents said thieves and looters were taking advantage of the chaos in parts of the city.
Defence and interior ministries announced a curfew from 9 p.m. (2000 GMT) to 5 a.m. “in order to ensure the safety of citizens and property”, said a statement quoted by the Tunisian Press Agency.
In another sign the government was trying to quell anger, former interior minister Farhat Rajhi was fired from his post as head of the state-sponsored High Commission on Human Rights and Fundamental Liberties, the agency said.
Tunisian police battle renewed protests
TUNIS (Reuters) – Tunisian police wielding batons and firing teargas scuffled on Saturday with hundreds of protesters demanding the departure of the government and angry at a heavy handed response to demonstrations this week.
The new protests in the North African country, where the Arab world’s tide of unrest began, are rooted in fears an interim administration will renege on its commitment to democracy after the ousting of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in January.
“We now need a revolution to follow the revolution,” said Abdoulrahim Jalouli, holding up his mobile phone to show pictures of police chasing down other youths in the streets near the center of Tunis.
“You see. The police are the same as before. There is no change,” he said.
Tensions rose this week after a former interior minister warned that Ben Ali loyalists might seize power in a coup if Islamists won elections scheduled in July to draw up a new constitution.
Just as in other parts of the Middle East and North Africa where popular protests are bringing change, many secularists — and Western countries — fear greater freedom could also allow Islamists to take power.
Tunisia’s main Islamist group Ennahda, led by moderate Muslim scholar Rachid Ghannouchi and banned under Ben Ali, says it will contest the elections and does not fear a coup.
Europe failing Tunisia, says regional lender
TUNIS (Reuters) – Europe should be doing more to support Tunisia to ensure swift reforms that will set an example in the rest of North Africa, the regional head of the Tunis-based African Development Bank said.
The bank is a key lender to Tunisia and the $500 million (304 million pounds) it is giving in emergency budget support matches help from the World Bank. About another $200 million is coming from Europe, nearly half of that from former colonial power France.
Jacob Kolster, responsible for Tunisia, Libya and Egypt at the AfDB, said Europe should be doing more to back the country where the spreading revolt in the Arab world began with the toppling of Tunisia’s authoritarian ruler in January.
“I’m frankly a little bit disappointed with the outpour of real financial support,” he told Reuters. “Here is a golden opportunity to try and help North Africa to bring itself closer to what the occidental world believes is good governance.”
In addition to the emergency support, Tunisia estimates it needs about $4 billion in foreign loans to get through the turmoil after the revolution, which has knocked an economy that lacks the oil and gas resources of its neighbours.
Libya’s war has been an additional blow; Tunisian workers are no longer sending remittances from there, wealthy Libyans have stopped visits for cheap medical care and tens of thousands of Libyan refugees have crossed the border.
Economic growth this year is seen at 1-1.5 percent.
Analysis: Nigeria risks further bloodshed as divide grows
ABUJA (Reuters) – Nigeria’s post-election riots have highlighted the likelihood of further bloodshed and growing radicalism in a Muslim north that feels ever more marginalized from a richer and more dynamic south.
Although it is too early to see the troubles in the north as a sign of Africa’s most populous nation coming apart, President Goodluck Jonathan and northern leaders face a serious challenge to avoid a drift toward greater polarization.
Churches, homes and shops have been burned and an unknown number of people stabbed, hacked and shot to death since Jonathan, a Christian southerner, defeated Muslim northerner Muhammadu Buhari in a presidential election the opposition says was rigged.
Regardless of whether there was foul play or not, the map of results showed the reality of Nigeria’s divide. Buhari won heavily in the north and Jonathan in the south — not that the president did not pick up votes in parts of the north.
“Sometimes there is a pretence we have gone beyond religion and ethnicity, but it is the same all over the country,” said Mannir Dan-Ali, editor of the Abuja-based Daily Trust.
In a sign of how concerned the presidency was, it put out a statement urging foreign media to stop referring to a “Muslim north” and “largely Christian south” and stressing that Jonathan had a mandate across Nigeria.
As always, the first to suffer in the violence were those from other parts of Nigeria — many of them small business owners — who have traded in the north for generations.
Nigeria risks further bloodshed as divide grows
ABUJA (Reuters) – Nigeria’s post-election riots have highlighted the likelihood of further bloodshed and growing radicalism in a Muslim north that feels ever more marginalised from a richer and more dynamic south.
Although it is too early to see the troubles in the north as a sign of Africa’s most populous nation coming apart, President Goodluck Jonathan and northern leaders face a serious challenge to avoid a drift towards greater polarisation.
Churches, homes and shops have been burned and an unknown number of people stabbed, hacked and shot to death since Jonathan, a Christian southerner, defeated Muslim northerner Muhammadu Buhari in a presidential election the opposition says was rigged.
Regardless of whether there was foul play or not, the map of results showed the reality of Nigeria’s divide. Buhari won heavily in the north and Jonathan in the south — not that the president did not pick up votes in parts of the north.
“Sometimes there is a pretence we have gone beyond religion and ethnicity, but it is the same all over the country,” said Mannir Dan-Ali, editor of the Abuja-based Daily Trust.
In a sign of how concerned the presidency was, it put out a statement urging foreign media to stop referring to a “Muslim north” and “largely Christian south” and stressing that Jonathan had a mandate across Nigeria.
As always, the first to suffer in the violence were those from other parts of Nigeria — many of them small business owners — who have traded in the north for generations.
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