MediaFile

Can the feds do an Al Capone on News Corp?

By James Ledbetter
The opinions expressed are his own.

I wrote last week that using the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) to charge News Corp over allegations that officials at the now-shuttered News of the World bribed police officials would be an “enormous, unprecedented stretch…which seems unlikely to stand up in court.” There are two qualifiers to this; first, the column was referring to Guardian reports about payments to police supposedly made in 2003, which appear to have been for tips leading to stories for the paper. If it could be shown that subsequent sums to police were made to delay or thwart investigations into News Corp activity—a very big if—then those payments might come a little closer to the types of bribes historically punished under the FCPA. (Even there, however, U.S. authorities would still be reluctant to jump into such a case unless British prosecutors abandoned such an inquiry, which seems unlikely to occur any time soon.)

I also hinted at a second possibility, both more intriguing and more likely: a different part of the FCPA could apply to any police bribes News Corp paid. This is the “books and records” provision of the FCPA; ProPublica’s Jake Bernstein summarized its potential use in this case succinctly: “If you pay off the policemen and you don’t write it down in your company ledger as ‘Bribe two policemen,’ then this can be a problem because you haven’t accurately kept your books and records.”

The FCPA is quite explicit about this: an American company doing business abroad has to maintain timely and accurate books; has to have internal accounting controls that ensure that employees don’t have the authority to wander off paying bribes on their own; and has to constantly check its records for any discrepancies.

At least two aspects of books-and-records make it a very powerful tool that should be keeping News Corp lawyers busy: a) there’s no threshold attached to it, meaning that theoretically even a small bribe could trigger it, b) the government doesn’t need to prove that a bribe met all the specific FCPA provisions, merely that it was improperly accounted for. You might call it the Al Capone technique: when the federal government couldn’t get much traction on more exotic charges, it nailed the mobster for tax evasion.

And so while I am still waiting for someone, somewhere to name a case in which bribes resembling payments to police officers for story tips were successfully prosecuted under the FCPA, there are indeed recent examples in which the U.S. government extracted fines and penalties for books-and-records violations without having to win on the alleged bribes themselves.

The case against the bribery case against Murdoch

By James Ledbetter
The opinions expressed are his own.

Ever since reports surfaced that executives at News of the World paid bribes to members of the UK’s Metropolitan Police, there have been lots of people in the United States who would like to see News Corp and/or its top executives prosecuted under American laws. News Corp is an American company, goes the argument, and paying bribes abroad is explicitly prohibited by the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA).

Those observations are true as far as they go, and they appear bolstered by reports Friday morning that the Justice Department is preparing subpoenas as part of a preliminary investigation into News Corp. But the argument that a successful U.S.-based bribery case can be built against Murdoch’s company involves at least as much wishful thinking as it does legal acumen. There may be some effective ways to use the FCPA against News Corp, but nailing News Corp executives in the U.S. for police bribes in the UK requires an enormous, unprecedented stretch of the FCPA, and one which seems unlikely to stand up in court.

The FCPA was a groundbreaking piece of anti-corruption legislation when Jimmy Carter signed it into law in 1977. But even its most passionate fans would admit that a) its enforcement over the decades has been spotty, and b) no one involved in the creation of the FCPA ever envisioned it being used to punish checkbook journalism, legal or illegal.