Opinion

Mohamed El-Erian

Americans can ill-afford this debt ceiling debacle

Mohamed El-Erian
Jul 25, 2011 10:45 EDT

By Mohamed A. El-Erian
The opinions expressed are his own.

Friday’s stunning and very public quarrel between the president and the Speaker of the House of Representatives was the catalyst for a weekend of frantic negotiations on how to increase America’s debt ceiling, maintain the country’s sacred AAA rating, and avoid a near-term default. Meanwhile, administration officials and members of Congress took to the airwaves on Sunday trying, but largely failing, to strike the balance between statesmanship and another round of the Washington blame game.

It was hoped that all this would serve as a prelude to a political compromise announced just before the opening of Asian markets. This did not materialize. But while another self-imposed deadline has been missed, it is likely that the nation’s leadership will stumble into a short-term compromise over the next few days — one that raises the debt ceiling and avoids a debt default but, importantly, leaves the AAA rating extremely vulnerable and does little to lift the damaging clouds hanging over the US economy.

It will come down to the wire; and when the stopgap compromise is reached, many in Washington will declare victory and, in the process, claim credit for averting a national disaster. Yet the resolution will likely be temporary, and the damage will be real and long-lasting — both of which render an already worrisome situation even more difficult going forward. Indeed, by illustrating so vividly to the whole world what is ailing America, the weekend’s political theatrics should make us all worry even more about the world’s largest economy.

First, consider the context. America’s already-fragile economic psyche and its global standing have taken a material hit. Forget about “animal spirits” for now. Instead, worry even more about an economy that is already having tremendous difficulty sustaining an acceptable growth momentum, and that already suffers from an unemployment crisis that is increasingly protracted in nature. Analysts will now scramble to again revise down their projections for growth, and up those for unemployment.

Second, remember the content. The debt and deficit issues that are at the root of the debt ceiling drama are, unfortunately, a small part of a much larger set of structural impediments to employment, investment and wealth creation. The housing sector is still languishing, credit intermediation is uneven, infrastructure investment is lagging, job skill mismatches are increasing, and income and wealth inequalities are worsening.

Third, lament the process. Virtually all Americans worry about these problems and too many feel them acutely on a daily basis. Astonishingly, however, our elected representatives and their appointees are just bickering and, distressingly, failing miserably to communicate a vision that provides for even the smallest amount of medium-term optimism. The endless political squabbles compel all to question whether politicians are aware of Main Street’s realities, let alone up to the task of making things better.

Finally, don’t forget the international angle. Anyone who travels will tell you that America’s friends and allies are bewildered at what is going on here (and its enemies rejoicing). This comes at a time when the country can ill-afford to lose the confidence of large foreign holders of US Treasury bonds, overseas manufacturers with factories here, those that use the dollar as the reserve currency, and the many who have outsourced to here the intermediation of their hard-earned savings and pensions.

Yes, after taking it to the edge, it is still highly probable that Washington will manage to step back from defaulting on the national debt. But no one will, or should, feel good about how this happens.

It is highly likely that the solution will be a band aid that has to be replaced in the coming months. In the meantime, America’s structural injuries will deepen and, to an extent that was unthinkable, America’s economic future will become even cloudier.

This country’s turnaround is less of an economic engineering predicament and more of a political fix. But if Washington continues to squabble and if acrimony intensifies further, it will quickly become both.

This piece originally appeared on the Huffington Post.

COMMENT

Ten years ago when Republicans let the horse out of the barn and it began kicking our economy to death, Alan Greenspan, a Republican should have raised interest rates to slow the economy and stop the over spending from easy credit. He failed to do that. The rest is History. Obama has been trying to get the horst back into the barn but Republicans hate Obama because he is pro Union. The rest is history. Unreasonable strong arm rulers in other nations have proven bad judgment causes civil unrest. I hope our strong arm billionaires don’t make the same mistake in this country. The fallout is not worth it. To print this is to be honest, fair and decent.

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Is Europe’s debt crisis a “Lehman Moment” for America?

Mohamed El-Erian
Jul 5, 2011 10:37 EDT

By Mohamed A. El-Erian
The opinions expressed are his own.

With its high unemployment and stretched balance sheets, today’s US economy can ill-afford a negative shock from abroad. Yet, this is what it is experiencing. And it explains why markets go through bouts of nervousness about the debt crisis in Europe, and why American policymakers are worried about a foreign financial situation that is getting worse by the day.

Europe’s debt problem is indeed a headwind for what remains a disappointing US economic recovery. It dampens America’s export prospects, can raise the cost of borrowing for some American companies and diminishes an already low enthusiasm among banks to lend to households and small companies.

Having said that, it is unlikely, though not inconceivable, that Europe’s debt crisis would constitute a “Lehman Moment” — a situation that totally paralyzes American economic activity, puts the country on the verge of a depression and triggers yet another round of extreme crisis management measures.

There is now broad-based recognition of America’s persistent economic weakness. Most recently, the Federal Reserve has been forced again to revise downwards its growth projections for both 2011 and 2012. Moreover, with refreshing candor that speaks well to the uncertainties felt by the average American, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke acknowledged in his second ever press conference on June 22 that only part of the economic weakness is due to transitory factors such as higher oil prices and supply disruptions associated with the Japanese tragedies.

As Bernanke hinted, and as PIMCO’s analyses have demonstrated for a while, the US unfortunately faces four structural headwinds that are yet to be addressed properly by policymakers.

First, and nearly three years after the global financial crisis, the US housing market is still unable to find a firm enough footing. This undermines confidence and limits labor mobility.

Second, joblessness remains worrisomely high, and to make things even worse, is increasingly structural in nature. Witness the 9% unemployment rate, declining labor participation and an alarming 24% unemployment rate among 16-19 year-olds and a 40% rate for African-Americans.

Third, credit is yet to flow properly in the economy. With bank lending still hampered, it is small companies and poorer households that suffer the most.

Fourth, there is a problem of debt and leverage. Coming off a “great age” of debt and credit-entitlement that went way too far, balance sheet rehabilitation has been uneven and generally insufficient. Yes, some sectors, led by multinational companies, have recovered strongly. But far too many in the private sector are still over-indebted. Meanwhile, public balance sheets, be they of the Federal Reserve or the fiscal agencies, are contaminated to such an extent that they now constitute a source of medium-term uncertainty.

Policy responses have been too timid in the face of the economic challenges, and for too long, lacking a central vision. Instead, they have been ad hoc, too reactive and lacking sufficient structural underpinnings.

In the absence of a credible alternative, the role of the country’s main economic spokesperson has fallen to President Obama who, understandably and correctly, is extremely busy with many other national and international priorities. Meanwhile, the other arms of government — Congress in particular — are hostage to extreme political polarization, posturing and bickering. And the recurrent drama associated with budgetary legislation discussions — including the continuing budgetary resolution of a few months ago or today’s debt ceiling debate — adds to the uncertainties facing the nation.

In sum, this is not an economy that is well positioned to deal with a shock from abroad, let alone a major one. Its ability to absorb a systemic shock has been worn down by persistent internal economic weaknesses and the agility needed to sidestep, or at least minimize the impact of the shock, has been eroded by slow economic policy responses and stretched balance sheets.

All this helps to explain America’s concern about Europe’s debt crisis, which has led to periodic selloffs in capital markets and warnings from policymakers. It also speaks to why some commentators have gone as far to suggest that the country faces another “Lehman Moment” — a devastating shock that totally paralyzes the economy, disrupts the functioning of the financial system and pushes the country to the verge of a great depression.

This situation was last faced in the fourth quarter of 2008 following the disorderly collapse of Lehman Brothers, the investment bank. As illustrated by various recounts of those nervous months, policymakers came very close to losing complete control of the situation, despite all the firepower at their disposals.

Indeed, if it weren’t for the aggressive use of what was at that time a relatively healthy public sector balance sheet (especially that of the central bank’s), the US would have been forced into temporarily shutting down its financial system (including by declaring a “bank holiday”) and experiencing an economic depression which, according to some, would have been worse than that of the 1930s.

The question of the “Lehman Moment” becomes even more important now that policymakers have less firepower at their disposal to counter a huge shock. So what should we expect in the months ahead?

To be sure, the European debt crisis is a serious political, economic and financial engineering predicament that is hard to solve. As such, it will likely get worse before it gets better. In the process, it will slow global economic growth, increase risk premiums and darken the cloud over the health of the financial sector in Europe.

None of this is welcome news to an American economy that urgently needs to create jobs. But it need not result in a repeat of the total Lehman paralysis provided three conditions are met: a banking system that remains robust, no disruptions to money market funds and limited blockage to the plumbing of the country’s payments and settlement system.

Chairman Bernanke has spoken publicly to all three. Noting the Fed’s focus on these issues, he has indicated that the US does not face a new Lehman Moment.

Published data, to the extent that they are comprehensive and accurate, support his view; as do the actions taken by certain institutions. But risks remain, particularly within a money market complex starved for yield, and where certain firms appear to have stretched far and wide for extra returns.

A small risk of a catastrophic event should never be ignored. Accordingly, there is no room here for any complacency among policymakers whose economic management to date has fallen far short of what is needed to create jobs and put the country back on the path of high and sustained economic growth. Indeed, Europe serves to amplify warning sirens that have been ringing for a while.

Let us all hope that the increasing volume of the alarm will finally push America to design and implement the type of holistic measures that are desperately needed and long overdue. In the meantime, risk-averse companies, households and investors are justified in taking some extra precautionary steps.

Note: Mohamed El-Erian will be doing a live Q&A on Reuters.com on Thursday, July 7 at 9 a.m. ET. He will be answering your questions and responding to your comments about this piece along with his other previous pieces.

 

COMMENT

I see two other problems not identified by the column. They related to all four but are nevertheless different.

One – conflict of interest in the entire mortgage business created by derivatives.

It started with the housing and mortgage crisis but is now a fully separate problem and contains virtually all of the systemic risk today.

The irresponsible issuing of mortgage credit was only a minor problem relative to the big one. In the old days when a bank lent money for a mortgage, the banker himself and his reputation as an assessor of risk, as well as his institution were on the line.

That all changed with the development of derivatives based on mortgage back securities. The local bank could offload the risk and at the same time the responsibility for that risk, to the holders of the derivatives. He could take his cut of the profit for implementing the deal. Thus a full conflict of interest was fed up the entire food chain right to the top, resulting a complete lack of integrity of that chain, also right to the top.

That conflict of interest and that lack of integrity remains there today and remains one of the major systemic threats to the global banking system.

Two – lack of transparency in the derivatives market and the commodities markets (especially bullion trading). The large commercial banks are dreading the coming additional regulation in OTC markets for derivatives, because they found it easier to make profits when
a) the clients engaging in interest swaps for example were not as sophisticated as the banks (ie – they were sitting ducks )
b) there was no trading exchange requiring an open market for derivatives trading. Without transparency not even high level deal makers can really know whether they are getting a good price or not.

Until these abuses are cleaned up the global system will remain extremely unstable and fully vulnerable to a “Lehman moment”.

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A live Q&A with Mohamed El-Erian

Jul 1, 2011 12:40 EDT

On Thursday, July 7 at 9am ET, CEO of PIMCO Mohamed El-Erian will be taking your questions live and answering them here. Please join us and leave your comments and questions for him below.

El-Erian’s previous columns have talked about the European debt crisis, how to make Egypt’s revolution successful, the IMF, Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Christine Lagarde and what he learned from his recent visit to Tokyo, Japan.

You can also post your questions on the Reuters Facebook page or send them over Twitter using the hashtag #askmohamed or @kherrup.

 

COMMENT

Mr El-Erian
What are your thoughts on EM equities at the moment? A lot of people were predicting an IPO boom for the BRICS at the start of the year. This hasn’t materalised. In the case of India and South Korea, it has been an IPO slump in H1. Why do you think that is and what does it say about investor appetite for new issues from BRICS?

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