Opinion

Reihan Salam

For states, Washington’s budgetary seduction proves too hard to resist

Reihan Salam
Feb 6, 2013 14:22 UTC

Federalism’s days appear to be numbered. The reason isn’t so much that the power of the federal government has increased, though that’s part of it. Instead, the slow-motion death of federalism flows from the fact that a wide array of federal programs have seduced state governments into playing Washington’s tune.

This week, for example, Ohio Governor John Kasich, a conservative who first came to prominence as one of the foot soldiers of the 1994 Republican Revolution, announced that he supports the federal expansion of Medicaid, one of the central pillars of President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act (ACA). Opposition to ACA, and to the enormously expensive Medicaid expansion, had until recently been considered a conservative litmus test.

Kasich is the fifth Republican governor to embrace the Medicaid expansion, alongside Arizona’s Jan Brewer, Nevada’s Brian Sandoval, New Mexico’s Susana Martinez, and North Dakota’s Jack Dalrymple. And he almost certainly won’t be the last. Florida Governor Rick Scott, a former healthcare executive who strongly opposed to the Obama administration’s health reform effort in his 2010 campaign, is widely expected to do the same.

So does this represent some deep ideological reversal? Not really. Rather, it shows that state governments are almost always happy to pass the buck to the federal government. Federalism was designed to foster healthy competition among the states. Yet the proliferation of joint federal-state programs has instead left us with what Michael Greve, a law professor at George Mason University and author of The Upside-Down Constitution, calls “cartel federalism,” in which the states collude with the federal government to suppress healthy competition.

Under a fiscal federalism cartel, states don’t fund their own programs under competitive conditions. Instead, they rely on Congress to tax households nationwide and then dole out the money to state and local governments. In effect, Congress seduces state and local governments with seemingly “free” money that comes with lots of strings attached. 

Obama and the ghost of Walter Mondale

Reihan Salam
Sep 6, 2012 17:47 UTC

When Barack Obama accepts the Democratic presidential nomination in Charlotte, he will no doubt channel party heroes of the past like Bill Clinton and JFK and FDR, all of whom are celebrated still for their charisma and raw political skills. But he would do well to heed the wisdom of Walter Mondale.

Yes, that’s right. Most Democrats see Mondale as a faintly embarrassing relic from an era in which Democrats had lost their way, and of course there is something to that. He was also one of the last Democrats to make the case that government was worth paying for, not just by the rich but also by the middle-income households that rely on expensive social programs.

By the summer of 1984, Mondale, the former Minnesota senator who had served as vice-president under Jimmy Carter, knew that he was facing an uphill battle for the White House. The brutal Reagan recession had given way to a V-shaped Reagan recovery, and Reagan Democrats were thick on the ground. So Mondale decided to do something very strange at that year’s Democratic National Convention. Rather than make the most anodyne, ultra-cautious, poll-tested argument he and his team could conjure up, he told the truth as he understood it. “Mr. Reagan will raise your taxes,” he told the assembled delegates. “And so will I.”

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